Monetary policy: The Aussies win the exchange rate toss – again

The Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of the SARB met on Tuesday 28 January with the rand down about 30% against the US dollar on a year before. Predictably, given the openness of the SA economy to exports and imports, the SA inflation rate had picked up and was forecast to exceed its inflation target range of 3- 6% later in 2014.

The next day the MPC decided to raise its key repo rate by 50bp from 5% to 5.5%. The rand in response weakened further, by about 3% by the close of trading on the Wednesday 29 January.

The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) decided on 3 February to leave its cash rate unchanged at 2.5%. The Aussie dollar (which had also lost a significant amount over the last year, approximately 17% against the US dollar) responded favourably to the decision, gaining about 1.6% against the US dollar on the day.

 

These market reactions help prove a point we have made repeatedly: higher interest rates may not necessarily support a currency; thus leaving interest rates alone, or even reducing them, may support a currency, especially in times of exchange rate volatility.

 

Higher short term interest rates may imply a deteriorating growth outlook, meaning lower rather than higher expected returns on flows of risk capital to and from an economy. As a result, the net outflows of foreign exchange may exceed the inflows, leading to a weaker domestic currency and more rather than less subsequent pressure on consumer and producer prices. Lower or unchanged interest rates, by contrast, may improve the economic outlook and prospective returns and attract more rather than less net foreign capital. It is growth prospects rather than nominal interest rates that drive capital flows to businesses and economies.

 

Australian cricket prowess may wax and wane. But Australian monetary policy has proved consistently adept at ignoring large movements in the Aussie dollar exchange rate, even welcoming the opportunity provided for more balanced growth. In the words of RBA governor, Glenn Stevens, from its media release of 4 February:

 

“The exchange rate has declined further, which, if sustained, will assist in achieving balanced growth in the economy.”

 

The picture presented of the Australian economy is not however without its challenges for policy. As shown by further extracts from the media release, there are threats to Australian growth, employment and prices – enough to keep interest rates at their currently low accommodative level in expectation of an improving outlook over the long term:

 

“In Australia, information becoming available over the summer suggests slightly firmer consumer demand and foreshadows a solid expansion in housing construction. Some indicators of business conditions and confidence have shown improvement. At the same time, with resources sector investment spending set to decline significantly, considerable structural change occurring and lingering uncertainty in some areas of the business community, near-term prospects for business investment remain subdued. The demand for labour has remained weak and, as a result, the rate of unemployment has continued to edge higher. Growth in wages has declined noticeably.

 

“Inflation in the December quarter was higher than expected. This may be explained in part by faster than anticipated pass-through of the lower exchange rate, though domestic prices also continued to rise at a solid pace, despite slower growth in labour costs. If domestic costs remain contained, some moderation in the growth of prices for non-traded goods could be expected over time.

 

“Monetary policy remains accommodative. Interest rates are very low and savers continue to look for higher returns in response to low rates on safe instruments. Credit growth remains low overall but is picking up gradually for households. Dwelling prices have increased further over the past several months. The exchange rate has declined further, which, if sustained, will assist in achieving balanced growth in the economy.

 

“Looking ahead, the Bank expects growth to remain below trend for a time yet and unemployment to rise further before it peaks. Beyond the short term, growth is expected to strengthen, helped by continued low interest rates and the lower exchange rate. Inflation is expected to be somewhat higher than forecast three months ago, but still consistent with the 2–3 per cent target over the next two years.”

 

By sad contrast the outlook for the SA economy has deteriorated, with no sign that domestic spending (linked inevitably to deteriorating conditions in the labour market) can lead the economy out of its doldrums. Still higher prices for goods with high import and export content will depress spending further and higher interest rates will further discourage very slow growing demands for and supplies of credit.  The remarks made by governor Stevens about the poor outlook for investment in the Australian resource sector are also not encouraging for the SA resource sector. The hope must be that the weak rand and the much improved operating margins in the export sector and for firms competing with imports can lead the economy onto a faster growth path –labour unions permitting.

 

The problem for the SA economy and its interest rate sensitive sectors is that not only did short term interest rates rise last week, but they were immediately expected to rise significantly further by as much as an extra 2% over the next few months by the money market.

Such increases would be most unwelcome to a hard pressed economy – even unthinkable had they been imposed last week. These higher interest rates would be unlikely to help the rand in the near future and the inflation outlook any more than they have helped to date, for the reasons we have indicated.

In our response to the MPC decision we cautioned against the danger of such an interest rate spiral heralded by the 50bp increase in the repo rate. We noted that a spirited defence of the case for not raising rates will be as imperative the next time the MPC meets, should the rand not have gained strength by then and the inflation outlook remains as unsatisfactory as it is now.

We noted further that without such an argument, the economy may well set off on a 1998 like spiral of higher interest rates in response to a weaker currency and the more inflation that follows that leads to still slower economic growth.

Monetary policy needs to be not only data dependent, but also accompanied by good and appropriate guidance for the market about monetary policy that makes good economic sense.

We are therefore much encouraged by the guidance offered by governor Gill Marcus this week when, in an interview with Reuters, she remarked: “Money market expectations of a 200 basis point rate increase this year were exaggerated.”

In response to these remarks, interest rates along the RSA yield curve moved lower and the rand has held up well against most currencies, excluding the Aussie dollar. This provides further evidence of how to manage exchange rate volatility the Australian wa

Interest rates: Falling into the trap

The Reserve Bank raises rates modestly and falls into the trap set by other central banks. Too little by half to impress the markets – more than enough to damage the economy.

The Reserve Bank fell into the trap set for it by its central bank peers in Turkey and India (and Brazil and Indonesia which are already in a tightening mode) who raised short rates to defend their weaker exchange rates.

That this strong armed defence (including direct intervention in the foreign exchange markets) has failed to support the likes of the Turkish lira or the Brazilian real, might have given  pause to the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC). A minority of members voted against the increase, presumably because they know that higher interest rates have an unpredictable influence on exchange rates – particularly when global capital markets are under strain – while having a predictably negative influence on already weak domestic spending and therefore economic growth.

The Governor or the members of the MPC cannot explain how higher interest rates will reduce inflation rates, unless the exchange rate strengthens in response to higher rates, which it may or may not do. The immediate response to the 50bps increase has been a weaker rather than stronger rand. It may however be argued that the market expected a more hawkish response of at least a 100bp increase and sold the rand accordingly. In other words, so the argument goes, the MPC surprised the market not because it raised rates but because it did not raise them much further.

What the SA economy needed and did not get from the Reserve Bank was a vigorous analysis of the uselessness in current circumstances of capital market volatility of raising short term interest rates. A full explanation should have been provided, and would have explained why a 50bp increase would be irrelevant for the exchange rate and harmful to the economy and why any larger hike in interest rates, perhaps expected in the market place, was unthinkable given the weak domestic economy. Nor, it might have been pointed out, would an even larger increase in short rates have helped the rand anymore than it has helped the Turkish lira.

Such an argument will be as imperative the next time the MPC meets, should the rand not have gained strength by then and should the inflation outlook remain as unsatisfactory as it is now and the economy become even less well placed to tolerate a further increase in rates. Without such an argument the economy may well set off on a 1998 Chris Stals-like spiral of higher interest rates in response to a weaker currency and the more inflation that follows that leads to still slower economic growth.

We have been here before and we should remember how much better the Australians coped at that time with Aussie dollar weakness – by sitting on their interest rate hands and not reacting to the essentially temporary inflation danger presented by a (temporarily?) weaker exchange rate. The comparison between the success the Aussies had by doing nothing and the pain suffered for example by the SA, New Zealand and Chilean economies in the late nineties, where interest rates were increased aggressively in response to emerging and commodity market crisis-driven exchange rate weakness, makes  a most instructive case study.

The right response to a weaker exchange rate driven by forces beyond the control of the Reserve Bank is not to react at all. It should ride out the exchange rate weakness as best it can and focus on the requirements of the domestic economy. The MPC did not have the wisdom to do this and unfortunately made a modest concession, a mere 50bp concession, to poorly considered market expectations and poorly executed monetary policy reactions in other emerging markets.

We can only hope it does a much better job before and during the next MPC meeting of defending the SA economy against ill considered and unhelpful interest rate increases. Monetary policy needs to be not only data dependent, as the Governor has indicated following the Fed mantra, but accompanied by appropriate guidance for the market that makes good economic sense. That is why we will not be embarking on an interest rate spiral unless the domestic economy can justify it – which it is very unlikely to do anytime soon.

 

Inflation targets are proving to be a very unhelpful guide to monetary policy settings

With the SA inflation rate above the upper band of the target it was inevitable that the Reserve Bank’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC)  at its latest meeting and Press Conference, would focus on inflation and the risks to it rather than the unpromising growth outlook and the prospect of even slower growth to come. The question that should have been asked of the Governor and the members of the MPC is why they appear to believe that higher short term interest rates would help to reduce inflation in SA. The connection is by no means as obvious as traditional monetary theory might suggest- that higher interest rates lead to less inflation and vice-versa.

The answer, following conventional theory, might have been that higher rates would slow down spending and so further inhibit pricing power at a retail and manufacturing level. It might well do that- slow down spending further and harm the economy accordingly. But by slowing down the economy it would discourage foreign investors from investing in South Africa. This could mean a weaker rand and so more rather than less inflation. Slower growth with more inflation is not something the Reserve Bank should wish to inflict on South Africans. The evidence is however very strong that interest rate changes in SA do not have any predictable impact on the exchange rate and therefore on inflation.

The reality is that the exchange value of the rand is highly unpredictable and volatile, highly independently of SA short term interest rates, for both global and SA reasons that encourage or discourage the demand for risky rand denominated assets. This means that inflation is beyond the immediate control of the Reserve Bank. Therefore while low inflation is a highly desirable objective for economic policy – inflation targeting –becomes a very bad idea when domestic demand is growing too slowly rather too rapidly for economic comfort. Higher interest rates in these circumstances are a bad idea because higher interest rates leads to still slower growth in the economy and because growth determines capital flows and so the exchange value of the rand, higher short rates imposed by the Reserve Bank may in fact lead to more rather than less inflation.

In the figure below this point is made. It is a scatter plot of daily percentage moves in the ZAR/USD exchange rate and short term interest rates, represented by the 3 month Johannesburg Inter bank rate (JIBAR). As may be seen there has been about the same chance of an interest rate move leading to a more or a less valuable rand since January 2008. The correlation statistic for this relationship is very close to zero, in fact 0.000006 to be exact.

A scatter plot- daily percentage moves in short rates and the ZAR ( daily data January 2009- September 2013)

Source I-net Bridge Investec Wealth and Investment

The theory behind inflation targeting is that exchange rates follow rather than lead domestic inflation. The theory does not hold for an economy that depends, for want of domestic savings, on a highly variable flow of foreign capital. This leads in turn to a highly variable and unpredictable exchange rate. The best monetary policy can do in the circumstances is to accept this reality. That is to allow the exchange rate to act as the shock absorber of variable capital flows and to accept the consequential short term price trends – while using interest rates as far as they can be used – to moderate the domestic spending and credit cycles.

In practice this is how the Reserve Bank has reacted to recent exchange rate weakness that was so clearly not of its monetary policy making. Doing nothing by way of interest rate changes or intervention in the forex markets was the right thing to do. It remains the right thing to do until the global capital markets calm down. It is just as well that in the past week the rand has strengthened, improving the inflation outlook and so helping to keep the Reserve Bank on the interest rate fence, where it should stay.

If the rand stabilizes – better still strengthens further in response to global forces or SA reasons – for example better labour relations – one may hope for lower interest rates. The weakness of domestic spending calls for lower not higher interest rates. Lower rates would will help stimulate faster growth. And so doing would add expected value to SA companies, especially to those heavily exposed to the SA economy and the domestic spender. This would add to the incentives for foreign investors to buy JSE listed shares. It would also encourage foreign controlled businesses in South Africa to add to their plant and equipment and retain cash rather than pay out dividends to foreign shareholders. Such a more favourable outlook for the SA economy and the capital that flows in response may well strengthen the rand and improve the inflation outlook.

A focus on inflation targets, beyond Reserve Bank control via interest rate determination, prevents the Bank from doing the right thing for what interest rates do influence in a consistent way and that is domestic spending. Lower interest rates and the demands for credit that accompany them can stimulate demand and higher interest rates can be used to discourage demand when it becomes excessive. When domestic spending growth is adding significantly to domestically driven pressures on prices higher interest rates are called for. This is clearly, and by the Reserve Bank’s admission, not the case now. The opposite is true, domestic demand is more than weak enough to deny local price setters much pricing power. And in these circumstances higher wages conceded to Union pressure lead to fewer jobs and on balance less rather than more spending. Prices are set by what the market will bear rather than operating costs. Operating margins rise and fall with operating costs- – in the absence of support form customers- and prices do not necessarily follow.

A target for what is judged to be sustainable growth in domestic spending might be a useful adjunct to monetary policy that regards low inflation as helpful to economic growth. A target for inflation, without a predictable exchange rate, just gets in the way of interest rate settings that should be helpful for growth.

Inflation targets are proving to be a very unhelpful guide to monetary policy settings

With the SA inflation rate above the upper band of the target it was inevitable that the MPC at its latest meeting and Press Conference would focus on inflation and the risks to it rather than the unpromising growth outlook and the risks of even slower growth to come. The question that should have been asked of the Governor and the MPC is why they appear to believe that higher short term interest rates would help to reduce inflation in SA. The connection is by no means as obvious as traditional monetary theory might suggest.

The answer following conventional theory might have been that it would slow down spending – even more than it has slowed down to date – and so further inhibit pricing power at a retail and manufacturing level. It might well do that- slow down spending further and so harm the economy accordingly. But by slowing down the economy it would discourage foreign investors from investing in South Africa. This could mean a weaker rand and so more rather than less inflation. Slower growth with more inflation is not something the Reserve Bank should wish to inflict on South Africans, as it might well do. The evidence is very strong that interest rate changes in SA have had no predictable impact on the exchange rate and therefore on inflation.

The reality is that the exchange value of the rand is highly unpredictable and volatile for both global and SA reasons that encourage or discourage the demand for risky rand denominated assets. This means that inflation is beyond the immediate control of the Reserve Bank. Therefore while low inflation is a highly desirable objective for economic policy – inflation targeting –becomes a very bad idea in these circumstances. A bad idea because it may well lead to higher interest rates, slower growth and because growth determines capital flows, may mean more rather than less inflation.

The theory behind inflation targeting is that exchange rates follow rather than lead domestic inflation. The theory does not hold for an economy like the SA economy that is dependent for its growth on a highly variable flow of foreign capital that leads to a highly variable and unpredictable exchange rate. The best monetary policy can do in the circumstances is to accept this reality. That is to allow the exchange rate to act as the shock absorber of variable capital flows and to accept the consequential short term price trends while using interest rates as far as they can be used to moderate the domestic spending and credit cycles.

In practice this is how the Reserve Bank has reacted to recent exchange rate weakness that was so clearly not of its monetary policy making. Doing nothing by way of interest rate changes or intervention in the forex markets was the right thing to do. It remains the right thing to do. It is just as well that in the past day the rand has strengthened improving the inflation outlook and so helping to keep the Reserve Bank on the fence where it should stay. If the rand stabilizes – better still strengthens further in response to global forces or SA reasons – for example better labour relations – one may hope for lower interest rates. These will help growth and by improving the incentives for foreign investors to buy South Africa may well strengthen the rand and improve the inflation outlook.

Talking about the strong Rand today it was highly instructive that the stronger rand was accompanied by higher Rand values attached to almost all financial assets. Almost all equities appreciated – global plays for example NPN or BTI or SAB became more valuable in rands – despite the stronger rand – as did the SA plays – banks and retailers – as did almost all Resource companies, especially the gold miners that might ordinarily be expected to suffer from rand strength and benefit from rand weakness. In other words there were no rand hedges on the JSE on the 18th September (.i.e. companies that benefit in rand terms from rand weakness or are harmed in rand terms by rand strength).

There is in fact very little recent evidence of rand hedge qualities in JSE listed companies. This is because rand strength reflects good news about the global and the SA economy – for example lower interest rates in the US – absent tapering – that is good economic news. The good news effect on the dollar value of JSE stocks outweighs the effect of translating higher dollar values into stronger rands. Hence no rand hedge characteristics are consistently to be observed. The opposite is mostly true when the rand weakens on bad news. A weaker rand does not usually compensate for the lower dollar prices of globally traded shares when the outlook for the global and or SA economy deteriorates. Therefore investors should hope for a strong rather than a weak rand. But is remains true that the SA economy plays- businesses that benefit from lower interest rates that may well follow a stronger rand and the lower inflation that follows-  stand to benefit even more than the global companies listed on the JSE that generate a much smaller proportion of their revenues and profits from the SA economy.

Global interest rates: Ben Bernanke did not get what he wanted from the bond markets

By Brian Kantor

Fed chairman Ben Bernanke spoke of a surprisingly promising outlook for the US economy, of 3% to 3.5% growth in 2014 that, if it all materialises as predicted, would allow the Fed to taper off its securities purchase programme from September this year and to close down the purchases by late 2014 (currently of the order of $85bn a month).

The market listened and reacted in ways that were consistent with the prospect of faster growth in the US but they would not have pleased Bernanke. He was at pains to emphasise in his statements how conditional would be the direction of quantitative easing (QE), ie conditional on the actual improvement in the US economy (and the labour market in particular) to keep the market at ease. The severe bond market reactions were not welcome because higher interest rates (especially higher mortgage rates) may threaten the recovery itself.

Longer term interest rates moved sharply higher in reaction to Bernanke and the Fed. By the weekend the 10 year Treasury Bond yielded over 2.5%, compared to about 2% a week before. More economically significant was the move in inflation linked bonds (TIPS). These real yields moved even than did the yields on the vanilla Treasury bonds, from close to zero on 16 June to over half a per cent by the weekend. Higher real rates are consistent with an improving growth outlook, leading to increased demands for capital to invest in real assets. And so the gap between the vanilla yields and the inflation protected variety narrowed to less than 2%.

Bernanke indicated in his press conference that his target for inflation is 2% per annum – anything less in his view represents a deflationary danger for the economy. The market now expects inflation to be dangerously low – implying more, rather than less, monetary easing to come.
The negative reactions of the equity markets to the more promising outlook for the US economy were not as easily explained. The S&P 500 was down by just over 2% in the past week, having been very firm before the Fed statement. Stronger, more normal US growth of the kind the Fed is expecting drives earnings as well as interest rates higher – possibly enough to add rather than detract from the value of equities that remain (in our judgment) still undemandingly valued by the standards of history and the prospects for earnings.

These interest rate developments in the US had severe repercussions for emerging bond markets and emerging currencies, that until recently have been beneficiaries of a search for yield in a world of generally very low yields. Not-so-low yields in the US reversed these flows, leading to pressure on emerging market currencies and yields of all kinds. SA was not spared these withdrawals of cash from high yielding assets, though the rand and the rand bond market did less poorly than many other emerging market currencies and bond markets, subject as they have been, for example in Brazil and Turkey, to violent demonstrations on their streets.

The rand actually gained by a per cent or two against the basket of EM currencies and the Australian dollar in the week ending 21 June. The yields on both long dated conventional RSA bonds and the inflation-linked equivalents rose, though this yield gap widened slightly, offering more compensation for bearing SA inflation risk by the weekend.

The yield gap between RSA rand bond yields and US Treasury bond yields can be regarded as compensation for bearing the risk of the rand depreciating. This yield gap can also be described as break even rand depreciation. If the rand depreciates over time at a faster rate than implied by the difference in interest rates, it would be better to buy US bonds (and vice versa if the rand does better, that is depreciates on average by less than the difference in yields). This yield remained largely unchanged through the past week. While the rand has weakened against the US dollar it is not priced to weaken at a faster rate.

Expectations about the direction of short term interest rates in SA have been revised sharply higher to the disadvantage of all the interest rate sensitive stocks listed on the JSE, the retailers, property companies and banks etc. With a more sharply inclined yield curve the one year RSA rate expected in a year’s time was 5.13% on 30 April. It is now 7.6% (see below):

The state of the SA economy does not justify higher short term rates. The Reserve Bank is predicted to raise them notwithstanding. Our view is that the Reserve Bank will correctly resist raising rates until the SA economy has picked up momentum, rather than slowing down, as it appears to be doing.

The immediate future of the longer term interest rates in SA will take their cue largely from the direction of long term rates in the US. Better economic news emanating from emerging market economies (and China in particular), would also help the rand and the RSA bond market. There would appear to be some chance that the US bond market has over reacted to good news about the US economy – expectations that have still to be fully vindicated. Higher rates will also encourage the Fed to maintain, rather than slow down, the pace of its bond purchases. If so, the past week may well prove a temporary high water market for interest rates in the US and elsewhere.

Inflation and the rand: Why doing nothing is the best SA monetary policy can do

By Brian Kantor

An unfortunate history of exchange volatility

The SA economy is once more challenged by an exchange rate shock. As we show below, such exchange rate weakness – of the order of a 15% or more move lower in the trade weighted exchange rate, compared to a year before is hardly unknown. In fact the latest shock is the fourth since 2000. As we also show below, the rand had lost as much as 26% of its foreign trading value by May 2002. By early 2007 the rand was down by about 15% on its value a year before and then 20 months later had lost 19% of its value.

The rand on 31 May 2013 was about 14% weaker than 12 months ago on a trade weighted basis. It will also be appreciated that while the long term trend in the value of the rand since 2000 has been one of rand weakness, the direction is by no means one way. Weakness can be followed by strength of similar magnitude. These unpredictable shocks, in the form of large sustained movements in the value of the rand in both directions, can be of similar magnitude and can complicate business decision making and monetary policy. They are a most undesirable feature of the SA economic landscape.

The sources of exchange rate volatility have very little to do with monetary policy

These large exchange rate movements are a response to interruptions or disruptions in the flow of capital to and from South Africa. Increased demands for rands push the rand higher and less demand moves the price of the rand higher or lower when valued in other currencies. It is very much a market-determined and flexible – very flexible in both directions – rate of exchange. The SA Reserve Bank does not typically use its own stock of foreign exchange to intervene in the market for rands.

This market, a deep one at that, regularly transacts over US$15bn worth of rands every trading day, according to the Reserve Bank on the basis of information provided by the trading banks. Three quarters of the trade is conducted between third parties without a direct connection to SA trade or finance. They presumably trade and hedge the rand so actively as a proxy for currencies that are less liquid. As we show below there is no obvious relationship between the trade weighted value of the rand and turnover in the currency market.

The one highly predictable impact of an exchange rate shock- more or less inflation

The one highly predictable influence of an exchange rate shock is that more or less inflation will follow in the opposite direction. More inflation when the rand weakens – less when it strengthens. It is most important to recognise that for SA the exchange rate leads and the inflation rate follows. In conventional monetary theory it is faster domestic inflation (caused by easy monetary policy) that leads to a weaker exchange rate. The weaker exchange rate then should help to maintain the international competitiveness of exporters and firms that compete with more expensive imports priced in the weaker domestic currency. In the figure below we identify the timing of the shocks that have sent the rand weaker and show how the trend in the inflation rate has followed these shocks consistently.

In the figure below we show the results of a very simple model. The trend in inflation is very simply explained in a single regression equation by the annual movement in the trade weighted exchange rate, lagged by six months. The model does well in predicting the direction of inflation in SA and also its level. The explanatory power of the model is rather good – explaining over 60% of the inflation trend. As the chart also shows, there is somewhat more to inflation than the exchange value of the rand. The model significantly underestimated inflation in 2008-09 and has less significantly underestimated it recently.

Among other forces moving SA prices and inflation are trends in global prices, particularly in the prices of grains and other soft commodities in US dollars that influence the domestic price of food when translated at import price parity into rands. The global price of oil is also very important in this regard. Clearly independent of the value of the rand, global inflation or deflation (including oil price increases or decreases) will influence prices in SA and their rate of change. The pace of administered prices increases in SA (taxes by another name) will also have an influence on the CPI. So will the strength or otherwise of domestic spending, supported more or less by the growth in money supply and credit and interest rates, that is by monetary policy.

Monetary policy is largely impotent in the face of exchange rate shocks of this order of magnitude

It should be very obvious from the recent history of inflation in SA that there is little the Reserve Bank or monetary policy can do about inflation because it cannot influence the variable exchange value of the rand in any predictable way. The same monetary history tells us that raising or lowering interest rates have simply no predictable impact on the exchange rate. Monetary policy is largely impotent in the circumstances of exchange rate shocks of the order of magnitude suffered by SA. Inflation targeting, to which SA subscribed in the early 2000s with all the sincerity of the newly converted, had as its justification the conventional wisdom of monetary policy of that period. The presumption of inflation targeting was that a politically independent central bank would target inflation with its interest rate settings in a sound way and inflation and the exchange rate would behave itself in a predictable way.

The unpredictable nature of exchange rate shocks – global or domestic in origin

That presumption has proved to be a false one. The exchange rate has not behaved itself and so measured inflation has remained largely outside the influence of monetary policy. Monetary policy and interest rate settings can clearly influence domestic spending. But maintaining the balance of domestic demand and potential supply does not at all necessarily secure exchange rate stability as we observe.

The exchange rate can have an unhealthy life all of its own, responding as it does to global forces, as it did during the Global Financial Crisis of 2008-09. This crisis increased the global demands for safe havens and reduced the demand for riskier emerging market assets and their currencies, including the weaker rand, and led to more inflation in SA.

The other shocks to the rand we have identified are much more SA specific in their origins. We can identify such SA specific risks driving the rand by comparing the behaviour of the rand to other emerging market or commodity currencies over a period of rand weakness or strength. The forces driving the rand in 2001-02 and in 2006-7 were largely SA specific in their origins. The rand has weakened by significantly more than its peers over these periods of weakness.

The only time the Reserve Bank may be held responsible for rand weakness was in 2006-7. Then the bank adopted interest rate settings that were too severe, that threatened the growth prospects for the SA economy and frightened capital away. The 2001-2002 weakness was an unintended consequence of partial exchange control reform – that led to panic demands for foreign currency by local wealth owners and fund managers. The latest burst of rand weakness that began in August 2012 is associated clearly with labour relations on the mines and elsewhere that threaten mining output and exports that are so important to the trade balance of the rand. Foreign and local investors have been discouraged by the political responses to this crisis.

Nothing for the Reserve Bank to do but watch the economy ride out the storm

As clear as are the political origins of the latest exchange rate shock is that the Reserve Bank and its interest rate settings can do nothing now to meaningfully assist the rand. It is out of their hands. Raising interest rates would further weaken domestic spending, that cannot be regarded as excessive. Still slower growth in domestic spending following any imposition of higher interest rates would if anything further undermine the case for investing in SA and could lead to a still weaker rand. Indeed, were it not for rand weakness, interest rates would have been reduced to encourage domestic demand. But such action might well be regarded as less than responsible in the circumstances.

The best the Reserve Bank can do in these difficult circumstances is to do very little. The economy must be left to rise out the exchange rate shock and the temporary increase in inflation that is likely to follow. The weaker rand will encourage production for export and for the domestic market as prices and profit margins for exporters and those competing with imports have improved. Hopefully the mining sector will be allowed to benefit from these price and profit trends. Hopefully too, the politicians can help the industry. Higher prices, especially for goods or services with high import content, will discourage consumption. There is nothing the Reserve Bank can usefully do to slow these inflation and relative price effects down. Raising interest rates would damage the economy further. The best monetary policy can do in response to an exchange rate shock (that is not of its making) is to do nothing at all – but also to explain why doing nothing is the best policy.

Monetary policy: A movable feast

Easter is the bane of those who attempt to measure the temperature of an economy. Without a good fix on current activity it is very difficult to forecast the future. The trouble with the Easter festivals is that unlike Christmas celebrations, they come at different times of the year. An early Easter for the average retailer will add to sales in March and reduce them in April and vice versa when Easter falls in April.

For motor dealers the opposite is true. For some reason, obscure to us, probably due to the regulation of their hours of trading, they stay closed on public holidays and Sundays. In other words, unlike your ordinary retailers who stay open on holidays for the convenience of customers and to the advantage of their part time employees, the motor dealers lose trading days over Easter.

This makes the essential seasonal adjustment more difficult to estimate. For retail sales in South Africa, the Christmas influence on spending at retail level, combined as it with the summer holiday effect on spending is very large. For the average South African retailer December month sales on average account for 35% more than the average month. To get a good idea of how good or bad retailers have done in December compared to past Decembers or to November, sales revenues of the average retailer have to be reduced (divided by) a factor of 1.35. For the motor dealer new vehicle unit sales have to be scaled up by 0.85 (ie divided by a factor of 0.85).

Over the longer run March and April on average have proved to be a slightly below sales months for the average retailer: the scaling factor is 0.98 or 0.97. But life is more complicated for the motor dealer. March is usually an above average month, with a scaling factor of 1.08, and presumably March becomes an even stronger month when Easter does not reduce showroom hours as they did this year. Meanwhile April, presumably because Easter usually but not always falls in April, is a below average month with a scaling up factor of 0.87.

This year, with Easter in March, will be a more difficult year to interpret sales trends for the motor dealers and perhaps also for retailers generally. To get at the underlying trend in sales and sales volumes we would have to scale up for the motor dealers and scale down for the orinary retailers by more than usual, but just how much would be a matter of some guess work. We will have to wait for sales in April to be confident in our measures.

Estimates of retail sales provided by Stats SA are only up to date to February. As we show below, the estimate of sales volumes in February were encouraging, suggesting that , on a seasonally adjusted basis, it was a better month for retailers than January 2013. On a seasonally adjusted basis retail volumes declined by 1.75% in January compared to December 2012 and grew by 2.7% in February compared to January. February volumes, compared to February 2012, were up 7.4%.

However despite this pick up in February sales volumes, extrapolating recent trends, appropriately seasonally adjusted and smoothed, suggests that the growth in retail volumes will continue to slow down marginally over the next 12 months. However this forecast growth in retail sales volumes can still be regarded as satisfactory. Real growth is predicted to be 4% in February 2014. With retail inflation currently running at a 4.6% year on year rate and predicted to rise to 5.2% in February 2014, this suggests that retail sales in current prices may be running at a close to 10% rate this time next year.

What the hard numbers say

We do however have actual vehicle sales volumes for March from the National Association of Automobile Manufacturers (Naamsa). These must be interpreted with caution. We also know from the Reserve Bank the value of its notes in circulation at March month end. We use these hard numbers to compile our up to date Hard Number Index (HNI) of economic activity which is an equally weighted combination of the real note issue and new unit vehicle sales. As we show below, this Index compares very well in its turning points with the delayed Business Cycle Indicator provided by the Reserve Bank. The Index, updated to March, indicates that the economy continued to grow faster in March but that the rate of forward momentum was more or less constant and maybe slowing down.

Values above 100 indicate economic growth. The Index was helped by strong growth in the note issue. This growth too was influenced by the early Easter and the spending intentions associated with it. The demand for cash is itself a coinciding rather than a leading indicator of economic activity. Households hold more cash when they intend to spend more on goods and services. However the advantage of measuring the note issue is that it provides a much more up to date indicator of spending intentions than spending itself. Spending, for example at retail level, is an estimate made from a sample survey, not a hard number, and moreover is only available with a lag. It will only be well into May before we can update our estimate of retail spending.

The close statistical relationship between growth in the note issue and growth in retail sales at current prices is shown below. Both series are on a slower growth trend and are predicted to remain so.

Should such negative trends in domestic spending materialise, more aggressive monetary policy would surely be justified. High rates of inflation that threaten the inflation targets have inhibited such monetary policy responses to date and may continue to do so. However, high rates of inflation cannot be ascribed to excessive domestic demand for goods and services. The trends moreover suggest that the growth in demand will be slowing down, rather than speeding up. The recent inflation in SA have had little to do with excess demand and much more to do with weakness in the rate of exchange and so the costs of imports that reflect also global commodity price trends. These trends, for example in the US dollar price of petroleum, suggest less rather than more inflation to come from this source (independent of exchange rates).

The problem for an inflation concerned Reserve Bank is that there is little predictable connection between interest rates and the exchange value of the rand and therefore very little direct influence the Bank can exert on inflation rates. Higher interest rates, if they implied slower economic growth, might well discourage capital inflows and encourage capital outflows, so weakening the rand and thus add to inflation, even as higher interest rates and a weaker rand discourage domestic spending.

Lower interest rates, where they boost economic growth, might in turn attract portfolio flows to the JSE and lead to a stronger not weaker rand. Faster growth with less inflation then becomes a highly desirable possibility.

Inflation targeting, without being able to predict the direction of the rate of exchange when policy action is undertaken, makes little sense. It may come to pass that the Reserve Bank accepts that the most it can hope to do with its monetary policy is to stabilise domestic spending, without regard to the outcomes for inflation. Recent policy actions by the Reserve Bank strongly indicate that in practice the Bank is following a dual mandate – targeting growth as well as inflation.

If only the rand would behave itself in the months ahead (implying no upward pressure on inflation rates) this dual mandate could lead it to lower interest rates. Recent movements in short and long term interest rates indicate that the money and bond markets are according a higher probability to a reduction in the repo rate over the next 12 months. Brian Kantor

Global monetary policy: Ben signals his intentions and the markets like what they are told

Ben Bernanke fired his Bazooka yesterday. He pledged the Fed to further purchases of securities in the market without effective limit and for as long as it takes. The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) indicated net injections of cash of the order of US$85bn a month for as long as it takes. The indication from the FOMC is that

“…exceptionally low levels for the federal funds rate are likely to be warranted at least through mid-2015”.

The asset markets were pleasantly surprised by the scale of the intended interventions in the asset market as well as their unlimited nature.

The key paragraph of the OMC statement read as follows:

To support a stronger economic recovery and to help ensure that inflation, over time, is at the rate most consistent with its dual mandate, the Committee agreed today to increase policy accommodation by purchasing additional agency mortgage-backed securities at a pace of $40 billion per month. The Committee also will continue through the end of the year its program to extend the average maturity of its holdings of securities as announced in June, and it is maintaining its existing policy of reinvesting principal payments from its holdings of agency debt and agency mortgage-backed securities in agency mortgage-backed securities. These actions, which together will increase the Committee’s holdings of longer-term securities by about $85 billion each month through the end of the year, should put downward pressure on longer-term interest rates, support mortgage markets, and help to make broader financial conditions more accommodative. The Committee will closely monitor incoming information on economic and financial developments in coming months. If the outlook for the labor market does not improve substantially, the Committee will continue its purchases of agency mortgage-backed securities, undertake additional asset purchases, and employ its other policy tools as appropriate until such improvement is achieved in a context of price stability.

Will these additional actions (QE3) work to revive the US economy and reduce the unemployment rate to a natural 5% or so within the next few years? The answer must be not necessarily so, given that highly accommodative monetary policies to date have not worked very obviously to reduce the unemployment rate below a stubborn 8%, with many more potential workers discouraged from looking for jobs (though how poorly the US economy would have looked without the accommodative actions to date can only be speculated about).

Persistently low interest rates and continuous injections of cash into the securities markets cannot do any harm to employment prospects. Nor can very low interest rates (as far as the eye can see) do anything but support the property market generally and related construction activity (unless these exceptional monetary measures were considered dangerous to the long term health of the economy and so undermine business and household confidence. This does not seem to be the present danger at all).

QE3 is likely to be very positively received by US business. However the boost to confidence necessary to strongly revive the spending plans of US business will have to be taken by the politicians after the elections. Better economic news from Europe and Asia would also be confidence boosting, but clarity on the outlook for Europe and China may not be imminent.

Monetary stimulus is helpful to asset markets. Higher asset prices support pension plans and encourage households to spend more. Low interest rates )that are expected to stay low) add to the argument for equities – especially those that come with dividend yield.

What sectors benefit?

The further question then is what sectors of the equity markets stand to benefit most in a still more friendly monetary policy environment? The case for the defensive stocks, that is those that pay dividends and have the balance sheets to maintain dividends, is most obviously improved.

The cyclical stocks, while not prejudiced at all by easy monetary policy and low interest rates would benefit most from a cyclical recovery itself. This, as we have suggested, is not a certainty in the short term: until a cyclical recovery clearly manifests itself, the outlook for commodity prices appears uncertain.

For undemandingly valued JSE listed cyclicals that would ordinarily benefit from of higher operating margins from SA specific rand weakness, this takes some of the wind out of their sails. The stronger rand in a world of persistently low interest rates (likely to extend to SA) is helpful for the interest rate sensitive stocks on the JSE.

The conclusion one comes to is that Bernanke, while helping equity markets, has in our opinion not yet improved the case for cyclical over defensives. The time for the cyclicals will come when the outllook for a global cyclical recovery appears more certain. Brian Kantor

The Eurozone: A declaration of monetary independence

Mario Draghi asserted the independence of the European Central Bank (ECB) to act as the independent central bank of Europe and to be the responsible guardian of the “irreversible” euro. This declaration of independence was supported by all but one of the governors of the ECB.

The bank’s government bond buying campaign is to be concentrated on maturities of less than three years to maturity. These purchases, now called the Outright Monetary Transactions (OMTs) will be conducted without any limit other than constrained by the judgment of Draghi and his colleagues. These purchases of all government bonds linked to the euro will not be inhibited by inferior credit ratings, nor would the ECB claim any seniority of its claims against borrowing governments ahead of private lenders. This is an important principle designed to draw private sector support for the bond market. ECB support for the market in distressed government bonds is conditional, that is on the condition that those governments seeking aid from Europe, the ECB and the IMF abide by the conditions set for such support. The “conditionality’ of ECB was strongly emphasised, no doubt to address likely criticism that the programme represented a soft option for hard pressed European states unable (so far) to convince the market place that they can continue to meet their obligations to creditors.

Predictably, the plan did draw criticism from the Bundesbank as representing fiscal assistance to governments and therefore was not within the mandate of the ECB. No doubt it was this German viewpoint that has so delayed the assertion of ECB independence and its ability to do, in practice, what it takes to protect a financial system in times of crisis. What it takes to solve a financial and banking crisis, as the Fed has proved recently, is quite simply the exercise of a central bank’s power to print money without limits, other than those set by its own judgment as to how much extra cash it will takes to solve a crisis. Once the crisis is resolved (hopefully, with excellent timing), it will then take back the cash from the banking system that could otherwise become inflationary (as excess supplies of money over the demand to hold money, inevitably become).

Sterilisation

Draghi did say that the automatic money supply effects of its bond purchases – crediting the banks with extra deposits at the central bank – would be “sterilised”. In other words, they would be countered by simultaneous ECB bond sales. Presumably, if the banks choose to hold excess cash reserves(as they have been doing to a very large extent in the US and Europe) sterilisation would not be called for.

Draghi was firm and forthright that his plan fully confirmed to the mandate of the ECB that charges the Bank with achieving monetary stability for Europe. Monetary stability, according to Draghi, demands the survival of the euro and the integration of the currently “fragmented” European monetary system. These are essential components of monetary stability and his ability to enter the bond markets without restraint is essential to this purpose, according to Draghi.

An integrated Eurpean monetary system would mean similar interest rates and costs and availability of credit in all the European centres of finance. It would also have to mean well co-ordinated fiscal policies and banking regulations and a unified European banking system. Europe will work towards this – monetary stability and the irreversibility of the euro to which the ECB is committed allows time for the European project – the European Union – to be completed.

It will take time, maybe lots of time, to be realised, but Draghi has acted to reduce what he described as “tail risk”, that is to reduce the perhaps small but catastrophic possibility of a banking and financial collapse in Europe.

It has taken a long time for the ECB to assert itself as a fully independent central bank. The almost immediate reactions to the Draghi plan were highly favourable. Risks came off, to the advantage of the bond, equity and currency markets, including the rand. If the market is convinced that the ECB could do what it would have to do in a time of crisis then maybe the markets in euro debt and interbank loans will calm down enough to avoid the ECB from actually exercising its powers. The bazooka is loaded: it may not have to be fired.

Fired or not, the markets can return to the still difficult task of forecasting the state of the global economy (Europe included) without the same fear about the tail risk of a European financial break down that the ECB has addressed. Brian Kantor

Interest Rates: The Marcus Put

Headline CPI inflation declined to 4.9% for the 12 months to July. This welcome lower rate of inflation does not tell the full story of the direction of prices. A year can be a long time in economic life and what happens to prices in between can be much more revealing about inflation trends. Over the past three months prices have increased very slowly – more slowly than they did a year ago, as we show below. Prices rose by 0.08% in May, 0.24% in June and 0.32% in July.

These relatively small monthly increases compared to a year before have brought down the three month rate of inflation, seasonally adjusted and annualised, sharply lower to well below 4%. ( See below)

If current trends in the CPI persist, the outlook is for an inflation rate of no more than 3.5% this time next year, as we show in the chart below. It should be noticed that monthly increases in the CPI were particularly rapid early this year, thus offering the possibility of seeing year on year inflation come down further in early 2013 (that is, if monthly increases then turn out to be below the rather high monthly increases of early 2012).

These trends could be damaged by a combination of a weaker rand and supply side disruption (drought and war) which might drive global grain and oil prices higher. If global growth gathered enough momentum to drive up metal and commodity prices generally, for demand side reasons, the rand might well strengthen to moderate such influences on the prices of imported and exported goods. Faster growth in export markets would be very helpful to the SA economy. It could bring faster growth without more inflation, because the rand will strengthen.

Slower global growth would be very likely to weaken the rand and cause the inflation numbers and outlook to deteriorate. The domestic economy will also be harmed by such trends. It would mean slower growth and higher inflation. The case for raising interest rates under such adverse circumstances is a poor one. It would mean still slower growth without any predictable impact on the inflation rate.

The Reserve Bank, under present leadership, seems unlikely to raise rates should this adverse scenario materialise. If the economy stays its present course (less inflation and growth that remains below potential growth), the case for lowering rates improves. The more hopeful scenario – the SA economy to benefit from a reviving global economy and higher commodity prices and a more valuable rand meaning no more inflation – the case for lower interest rates also improves.

And so in the light of currently lower inflation, the case for lower interest rates has improved. Furthermore it is hard to contemplate more favourable or less favourable economic circumstances that would drive short rates higher. We might describe the outlook for (lower) interest rates in SA as the Marcus Put. Brian Kantor

Keynesian economics and Quantitative Easing: Can they restore economic health?

The economic problem is usually one of unlimited wants and highly limited means to satisfy them. It is a supply side problem that only improved productivity and improved access to capital or natural resources can ameliorate.

Economic growth sustained over the past 200 years or so has helped many to overcome the economic problem, at least to a degree. When obesity rather than starvation becomes the major danger to individual well being in the developed economies considerable economic progress has been made.

But sometimes the economic problem becomes one of too little spending rather than of dismal constraints on spending. Too little demand is now the major problem in many of the developed economies and also for us in SA. Given the current availability of labour, plant and equipment in the US, Europe and SA, more goods and services would be produced and more income would be earned in the process of expanded production, if only economic agents would spend more. More spending is thus possible without the usual trade-offs and choices having to be made between one kind of spending or another. There is no opportunity cost to employing more resources when they are standing idle.

It was a severe lack of demand that severely afflicted the US economy and other economies in the 1930s. The US economy nearly halved its size between 1929 and 1933 and economic activity had not recovered 1929 levels by 1939. These catastrophic economic events gave rise to what has come to be known as Keynesian economics, named after the famous English economist John Maynard Keynes. Keynes in the late 1930s had persuaded much of the economics profession to agree that in the absence of sufficient demand from the private sector (firms and households) governments should fill the gap between potential and actual supply of goods and services by spending and borrowing more. In other words, he argued for expanded fiscal deficits to stimulate demand when aggregate demand was painfully lacking.

Keynesianism today

Such arguments are being made today, most prominently by Nobel Prize winning economists Paul Krugman and Joseph Stiglitz. They argue against the austerity apparently being practised by the US and European governments or recommended for them. In fact the fiscal deficits of the US and UK have widened enormously, and more or less automatically, as government revenues declined with the recession and as government spending, including spending on bailing out banks and other financial institutions, increased. But whether the larger deficits or higher levels of government spending helped to stabilise their economies, as the Keynesians predict, is not at all obvious. Arthur Laffer, in a recent Wall Street Journal article, argued that the opposite has in fact happened: that the stronger the growth in government spending, the slower the growth in GDP. He presented the following table linking changes in government spending to declines in GDP growth as evidence for this:

The UK, US, Germany and Japan, despite increased spending and larger deficits and borrowing requirements, have enjoyed one great advantage not available to Greece, Portugal, Ireland, Spain and Italy. The cost of borrowing, even of issuing very long term loans in the US, UK and Germany, has come down dramatically while the interest rates charged to Spain and Italy have risen enough to threaten their fiscal viability.

In contradiction to the Laffer evidence, it may be argued that growth would have been even slower without these increases in government spending. In the case of the Krugman-Stiglitz arguments for less, rather than more UK austerity, there is no way of knowing with any confidence what might have happened to interest rates in the UK in the absence of intended austerity. Higher interest rates would have severely further limited spending by the private and public sectors in the UK, had borrowing costs been forced higher by nervous investors in UK gilts.

The limits to government spending

The essential criticism of the Keynesian approach to recessions is that governments can only ever account for a portion of total spending. Increased spending by the public sector may well be offset by lower levels of spending by households and firms fearful of the impact of extra government spending and borrowing on their own financial welfare.

Higher interest rates associated with more government borrowing may crowd out private spending Higher taxes that will be expected to levied in the future to cover interest to be paid on a much enlarged volume of government debt may induce more private savings. Households and firms may seek to protect their own balance sheets and wealth that they believe may be subject to higher levels of taxation.

The potential limits to the ability of governments to increase total spending and the danger that firms and households and other government agencies may spend less, can be illustrated by reference to the US GDP statistics and Budget.

Of the US GDP of nearly US$14 trillion in 2011, spending by all government agencies, Federal, state and municipal governments on consumption and investment amounted to $3 trillion or 21% of GDP. Of this spending the Federal government accounted for but $1.14 trillion or about 38%.

Even when government spending is a large proportion of GDP, a high percentage of this is in the form of transfers to households and firms. So spending decisions are in the hands of these households and firms, who might feel constrained for the reasons outlined above.

Normal times would have meant no need for QE 1, 2 or 3 or for the very low interest rates that have accompanied QE (quantitative easing). The collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008 threatened to bring down the US banking and financial system. Flooding the system with liquidity (cash created by the Fed) is the time honoured method of preventing a financial implosion. The great free marketer and anti-Keynesian, Milton Friedman, with Anna Schwartz in their monumental work Monetary History of the US, had accused the Fed failing to respond in this way in 1930 and by so failing in its mission, allowed a preventable financial crisis to become an economic crisis of disastrous proportions. This was not a mistake Ben Bernanke (well versed as he was in monetary history), was going to make as head of the Fed.

What about the liquidity trap?

But the Bernanke-led Fed, having avoided a financial implosion, is faced with a problem that both Keynes and Friedman were very conscious of. Keynesians wrote of the dangers of a liquidity trap: that cash could be made freely available to the banking system at very low interest rates by the central banks; but if the banks were reluctant to lend and its customers reluctant to borrow or spend, the cash would get stuck with the banks or the public. The system could fall into the liquidity trap and so lower interest rates or increases in the supply of cash would do little to stimulate economic activity.

Keynesians then call for government spending. Friedman and Bernanke in their writing called upon a hypothetical helicopter to by-pass reluctant banks to spread cash around, which would be spent to help the economy recover. Bernanke came to be known disparagingly as helicopter Ben for this idea. The trouble with helicopter-induced money creation is that it would have to be sanctioned by Congress – it would have to be included in the Budget as fiscal policy. This makes it a highly impractical response.

Given an inability to force co-operation from banks to inject cash and spending into the system, the Fed and the European Central Bank have to rely on monetary policy. They would thus continue to make cash available to the banking system and to engage in QE, so keeping the financial system afloat, and to hold interest rates as close to zero for as long as it takes, until confidence and entrepreneurial spirits revive. Moreover, Bernanke has been lecturing politicians on the need to exercise fiscal propriety to help restore business and household confidence. Brian Kantor

Interest rates: MPC stays in the hole it has dug for itself

(From 20 January 2012)
The Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) kept rates unchanged, as expected. We would suggest that this reveals a more dovish, growth sensitive tone with a further strong emphasis on the cost push nature of inflation (to which the Reserve Bank should not be expected to react).

Click here for the full report:
Interest rates MPC stays in the hole 20 Jan 2012

Talking Point: A New Year wish – with encouragement from the ECB

(From 23 December 2011)
The ECB has finally acted as a lender of last resort (without limit) to the European banks, who had been threatened by the weakness in the European Government bonds they hold. These bonds are now being used as collateral by the banks for three year money from the ECB at 1% per annum.

Click here for the full report:
Talking Point A New Year Wish

Currencies: A structurally weaker euro?

(From 14 December 2011)
The big new story in the currency markets is not the weakness of the rand or the strength of the dollar – but the weakness of the euro. The euro, which was worth as much as 1.417 US dollars on 27 October, is now trading at close to 1.30

Click here for the full report:
Currencies Structurally weaker euro

The Reserve Bank – what it can and cannot do

Published in Sunday Independent November 20th 2011

Brian Kantor
15th November 2011

It is surely clear that the SA economy can do with all the help it might get from lower interest rates. It is not getting that help from the Reserve Bank because the inflation outlook has deteriorated. The inflation outlook however has deteriorated because of a weaker rand. And the rand is weaker for reasons completely out of the influence of the MPC – that is the Euro debt crisis.

The MPC should know but seems not to recognize that interest rate settings in SA have no predictable influence at all on the exchange value of the rand. The correlation between changes in interest rates and the changes in the value of the rand is close to zero- that is there is no observable influence of changes in interest rates on the exchange value of the rand. And therefore interest rates have no predictable influence on the prices paid for imported and exported goods that have such a strong direct bearing on consumer prices in South Africa. Moreover over the past twelve months, since the MPC last cut interest rates, the rand has been all over the place, driving inflation in one and then the other direction.

The evidence is overwhelming, no doubt awful to contemplate for those with a text book view of monetary policy in South Africa is that interest rates and therefore monetary policy settings have not had any meaningful influence on inflation outcomes in SA. And moreover they cannot be expected to have any predictably anti inflationary purpose until the rand responds to SA, rather than global forces. This surely cannot be predicted to happen any time soon.

Like it or not monetary policy can only influence aggregate demand in South Africa. Its impact on the price level has been and will be overwhelmed by moves in the rand. Thus higher interest rates, especially when accompanied by a weaker rand and the higher prices that follow, can only mean less spending and less output and employment in South Africa- without having any helpful influence on inflation or the outlook for inflation that will be dominated by the outlook for the rand. By not lowering rates or even, heaven forbid at this stage of the business cycle, contemplating raising them, because the inflation rate might breach the inflation targets, the MPC has burdened the SA economy with less growth and no more or less inflation.

And should the Reserve Bank response to this critique take the form that monetary policy must fight not just inflation but inflationary expectations, it should also be recognized that there is also no evidence of this in South Africa. Inflation may have affected inflation expected in South Africa, even though inflation expected has been remarkably stable, suggesting that such effects have been of small magnitude. But there is no evidence of any feedback or so called second round effects effects. That is more inflation expected leading to more inflation. This has not happened perhaps because the theory is faulty but much more obviously, because inflation in SA follows the exchange rate and does not lead it. ( See Below)

South Africans have been called upon to make sacrifices in the form of slower growth for lower inflation or at least inflation in line with inflation targets that in the light of our recent monetary history make no sense at all. A new narrative for SA monetary policy is long overdue. This does not have to mean more inflation or more inflation expected. This would neither be desirable or inevitable. If the narrative explains the facts of the matter that inflation is dominated by exchange rate movements, over which SA has little predictable influence, and monetary policy was set accordingly, it would mean faster and more sustainable rates of growth. This faster more sustainable and predictable growth would attract more capital to South Africa to fund this growth. This would mean a stronger rather than weaker rand over the long run- and so less rather than more inflation over the long run.

But this narrative would mean recognizing that inflation targeting for South Africa- given the openness of its financial and currency markets to unpredictable global forces – has not been a sound basis for monetary policy.

Retail inflation- led by import prices – a mix of global prices and exchange rates – heading higher

Source: Bloomberg and Investec Wealth and Investment.

Interest rates: Surprise, surprise – SA specific (monetary policy) risks influence the JSE and the rand

Our markets have been dominated by global events – with the JSE, the rand and to a lesser extent the SA bond market gyrating closely in tune with global markets, especially emerging markets, in response to degrees of global risk aversion.

Friday 11 November however was an unusual day in the SA bond and equity markets. Market moves were dominated by an SA specific event: the meeting and outcome of the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of the Reserve Bank that reported back on Thursday afternoon. The market by Friday had significantly revised its view on the interest rate outlook. The market had attached only a small probability of a cut in rates on the Thursday before, but had been pricing in an above 50% probability of a cut within three months.

As we show below the market, in the light of what was said rather than what was decided at the MPC meeting, now regards the chance of a cut in rates anytime soon as highly remote. The yield curve that was upward sloping, indicating the likelihood of higher interest rates a year out, has shifted up and become steeper indicating higher rates to come, and sooner.

The SA Banks- Three Month Forward Rate Agreements
The SA yield curve

Clearly such expected interest rate moves are not helpful to the growth outlook for SA, which has if anything deteriorated in recent months, with the risks attached to Europe and its implications for global growth, as was confirmed by the Reserve Bank. Also indicated by the Reserve Bank was the weakness in domestic demand.

Hence the failure on Friday of the equity market to respond to better news about Europe or to the strength in offshore equity markets. The rand was similarly unmoved by stronger equity markets, perhaps also because the SA growth outlook had deteriorated.

It is surely clear to all on the MPC that the SA economy can do with all the help it might get from lower interest rates. It is not getting that help because the inflation outlook has deteriorated. The inflation outlook however has deteriorated because of a weaker rand; the rand is weaker for reasons completely out of the influence of the MPC, namely the Eurozone debt crisis.

The MPC should know but seems not to recognise that interest rate settings in SA have no predictable influence at all on the exchange value of the rand. As we show below the correlation between changes in interest rates and the changes in the value of the rand is close to zero – there is no observable influence of changes in interests rates on the exchange value of the rand and therefore on the prices paid for imported and exported goods that in turn have such a strong direct bearing on price setting behaviour in SA. The correlation co-efficient is close to zero. Moreover, since the MPC last cut interest rates in November last year, the rand has been all over the place driving inflation in one and then the other direction.

The evidence is overwhelming that interest rates have not had any meaningful influence on inflation outcomes in SA. Moreover they cannot be expected to have any predictably anti-inflationary purpose until the rand responds to SA, rather than global forces. This surely cannot be predicted to happen any time soon.

Like it or not monetary policy can only influence aggregate demand in SA. Its impact on the price level has been and will be overwhelmed by moves in the rand. Thus higher interest rates, especially when accompanied by a weaker rand and the higher prices that follow, can only mean less spending and less output and employment – without perhaps having any helpful influence on inflation or the outlook for inflation. By not lowering rates or even, heaven forbid, contemplating raising them, the MPC has consistently burdened the SA economy with less growth without any predictable influence on inflation.

And should the response to this critique take the form that monetary policy must fight not just inflation but inflationary expectations, it should also be recognised that there is also no evidence of this in South Africa. Inflation may have affected inflation expected in SA (even though inflation expected has been remarkably stable, suggesting that such effects have been of small magnitude). But there is no evidence of any feedback effects (ie more inflation expected leading to more inflation). It has not happened perhaps because the theory is faulty but much more obviously, because inflation in SA follows the exchange rate and does not lead it.

South Africans have been called upon to make sacrifices in the form of slower growth for lower inflation or at least inflation in line with inflation targets, which make no sense at all. A new narrative for SA monetary policy is long overdue. This does not have to mean more inflation or more inflation expected. If the narrative recognises and explains the facts of the matter and monetary policy were set accordingly it would mean faster and more sustainable rates of growth. By attracting more capital to SA to fund growth could mean a stronger rather than weaker rand over the long run and so less rather than more inflation over the long run. But this would mean recognising that inflation targeting – given the openness of its financial and currency markets to unpredictable global forces – has not been a sound basis for monetary policy in SA. Brian Kantor

Retail inflation, led by import prices (a mix of global prices and exchange rates) heading higher

If not now, then when?

We have heard the same story before from the Reserve Bank MPC. With every reason to cut rates to improve the growth outlook and to alleviate the risks of slow growth (as highlighted recently by Moody’s), the MPC again stood pat as it has done since November 2010, when it last cut rates in surely very different and less propitious circumstances.

Yes, as we are constantly reminded, the inflation rate remains stubbornly high despite the recognised weakness of domestic demand. But what is not acknowledged is that the inflation rate is beyond any predictable influence of the Reserve Bank. This fact of economic life is simply ignored by the MPC which employs a highly flawed theory (that enjoys no empirical support whatsoever from the SA evidence) of the forces that have driven inflation in SA over the past 10 years. The MPC appears simply not up to the intellectually demanding task of adapting its highly conventional theory of inflation to recognise its anti-inflationary impotence or the seriousness of the slow growth outlook. Its responsibility is to do what it can for growth (which is all the Reserve Bank can realistically hope to do), that is, influence the domestic growth rate with its interest rate settings so that it may better fall in line with potential growth.

The fact is that the exchange rate drives inflation in SA and the exchange rate is dominated by highly unpredictable global forces beyond the influence of SA monetary policy. Inflationary expectations have remained highly stable in SA and only modestly influenced by inflation itself. Any possible feedback from more inflation expected to more inflation has clearly not been in evidence. Moreover there has been no predictable impact of changes in policy determined interest rates on the exchange value of the rand. Therefore it should be recognised that while interest rate settings influence the level of aggregate demand in SA, the links between changes in aggregate demand and inflation have been overwhelmed by exchange rate changes (and will continue to be so overwhelmed). In the same way, any possible influence on the inflation rate of inflationary expectations will be overwhelmed by unpredictable exchange rate developments and to a lesser extent by global food and commodity prices. The so called second round effects on inflation are but an article of faith for the members of the MPC. Good monetary policy takes more than faith in conventional and also flawed theories of inflation.

This is a disappointment. We had hoped for better from Governor Marcus – but we are inclined to the view that we should not now expect a more growth sensitive approach from her and her committee.

It is very hard to anticipate the change in circumstances that could lead to a rate cut anytime soon. If not now then when? The inflation outlook will remain unchanged (absent of any important reversal in the rand) that can only come with an improved global growth outlook that in itself would reduce the argument for lower rates. And so we can anticipate an extended period of sub-optimal growth, inflation at or about the upper band of the target range – and thus an extended period of interest rates at current levels. Brian Kantor

MPC rates decision: Testing the waters but not jumping in

The MPC yesterday downplayed the risks to inflation correctly, while the risks to the domestic economy received full attention. Listening to the litany of economic problems facing the SA economy referred to by Governor Gill Marcus during her speech (quoted below*) I had a moment of near exhilaration that the MPC would in fact surprise the market by cutting rates. The economy is clearly screaming out for them as it has been doing for some time.

But then caution prevailed. We can blame global risk aversion and its impact on the rand for the predictable pusillanimity in Pretoria. But the case for an interest rate cut was debated and the Governor provided every indication that a cut next time round is now very much more likely (if the economy stays on its present sub-optimal course) and especially if the rand recovers some of its losses, which it will if the global risk appetite recovers to a degree. Brian Kantor

Extracts from the MPC statement that pointed to interest rate action, not inaction:


The depreciation of the rand poses a potential upside risk to the inflation outlook. However the degree of this risk will depend on the extent and persistence of the depreciation trend, which in turn will be influenced by the duration and intensity of global risk aversion. The rand tends to be more sensitive to changes in global risk perceptions than most of its emerging market peers. At this stage the MPC still considers the upside risk to the inflation outlook from this source to be relatively moderate, but rising.

Domestic economic growth remains disappointing, with the negative output gap widening to around 3 per cent in the second quarter of 2011 and gross domestic product growing by 1,3 per cent, following the 4,5 per cent increase recorded in the first quarter. Both the primary and secondary sectors contracted in the second quarter, while real value added by the tertiary sector increased only marginally. Wide-spread industrial action, which continued into the third quarter, contributed to this subdued outcome, and is expected to weigh negatively on third quarter prospects as well.

Recent high frequency indicators are also not very favourable. Mining production contracted at a year-on-year rate of 5,1 per cent in July, and by 4,3 per cent on a month-on-month basis. Manufacturing output declined at a month-on-month and year-on-year rate of 6,0 per cent in July, confirming the sharp decline to 44,2 index points observed in the Kagiso/BER Purchasing Managers Index (PMI) in July. Despite a modest recovery in August to 46,7 index points, the PMI remained below the neutral 50 level, pointing to a further possible contraction in the sector. The construction sector also remains subdued with both the FNB Building Confidence Index and the FNB Civil Construction Index remaining at very low levels, while there was a further decline in the number of building plans passed in the third quarter.

Overall business confidence, as reflected in the RMB/BER Business Confidence Index, has declined for two consecutive quarters, and at 39 index points is well below the neutral level of 50. The Bank has lowered its forecast for average growth in 2011 to 3,2 per cent, down from 3,7 per cent, while the forecast for 2012 has been reduced from 3,9 per cent to 3,6 per cent. The forecast for 2013 remains unchanged at 4,4 per cent. The lower forecast is a result of the lower-than-expected outcome in the second quarter, as well as a downward adjustment to the global growth assumption. The risks to this outlook are seen to be on the downside.

The lower growth trajectory does not bode well for employment creation, which has been relatively muted. According to Statistics South Africa, employment in the formal non-agricultural business sector increased by 0,1 per cent or 5,701 people in this second quarter of 2011. The outcome was, however, negatively affected by the decline in public sector employment associated with the termination of contracts of temporary employees hired for the municipal elections.

Consistent with the moderation in domestic production, growth in real gross domestic expenditure also declined, from an annualised growth rate of 7,9 per cent in the first quarter of 2011, to 1,3 per cent in the second quarter. A positive development was the further acceleration in the growth of real gross fixed capital formation, albeit off a low base, from an annualised rate of 2,7 per cent in the first quarter to 4,0 per cent in the second quarter. Nevertheless the ratio of gross fixed capital formation to GDP, at 18,9 per cent, is still well below the peak of 24,6 per cent measured in the fourth quarter of 2008.

Consumption expenditure by households has to date been the main driver of growth. However, in the second quarter of 2011, growth in consumption expenditure moderated to an annualised rate of 3,8 per cent, compared with an increase of 5,2 per cent in the first quarter. Real retail trade sales increased at a year-on-year rate of 2,8 per cent in July, but declined by 0,7 per cent in the three months to July compared with the previous three months. Growth in motor vehicle sales, while still positive, has also declined. Consumption patterns may have been distorted somewhat by the high base effects arising from the 2010 World Cup, and a clearer picture should emerge in August. The RMB/BER Consumer Confidence Index has declined for two consecutive quarters, underlying the fragility of the outlook.

Consumption expenditure is expected to remain constrained to some extent by low rates of credit extension and continued debt deleveraging by households. The ratio of household debt to disposable income declined further to 75,9 per cent in the second quarter of 2011 from a peak of 82,0 per cent in the first two quarters of 2008. Twelve-month growth in total loans and advances extended by banks to the private sector has fluctuated around 6 per cent in the three months to July. Mortgage advances, which is the largest category of credit, grew at a year-on-year rate of 2,9 per cent, consistent with the slow pace of recovery in the domestic property market. The main driver of growth in credit extension was the category of other loans and advances, in particular general loans which reflect primarily corporate sector borrowing. This category grew by almost 15 per cent in the year to end of July.

Source: MPC statement, 22 September

European debt crisis: Are we closer to the denouement?

How much would European Banks be required to write off of their loans to European governments? That is presuming a bad (not worst case) scenario of a 70% write down of Greek, Portuguese and Irish debt and losses of 30% on Spanish and Italian debt. The recent stress tests of 90 European banks and an IMF analysis of the CDS market provide some ball park numbers. The estimate is of the order of EUR260bn: a large amount but not nearly as much as the EUR700bn written off by European banks in the aftermath of the 2008-09 global financial collapse.

A consoling thought is that aside from the failures of their sovereigns, banks in Europe have little other additional exposure to private borrowers that they might have to write off. They have done very little additional lending lately, quite unlike the run up to the global financial crisis when lending growth was robust at close to a 10% annual growth rate.

Equity investors have made their own severe judgments as to the losses European Banks will incur. The Stoxx Europe 600 banks index is down just over 25% since1 August. Société Générale, France’s second-largest listed bank, has lost half of its market value since the beginning of August. Shares in Crédit Agricole, France’s number 3 bank, have dropped 35% while those of BNP Paribas, the largest French bank, are down 32% over the same period. More important perhaps than the absolute fall in the value of their shares, is that the market value of some of these banks is much diminished. This suggests very poor prospects for these banks and very little capacity to raise additional capital from their much damaged shareholders. Since 1 August the market value of Soc Gen has fallen from EUR25bn to its current value of EUR11.79bn while BNP is now worth EUR32.4bn compared to EUR52.4bn on 1 August. As far as shareholders are concerned they have already had to write off very large amounts of capital in their banks.

The question then becomes whether or not the European governments have the will and even perhaps the financial capacity to do what presumably the market place would be unwilling to do, and that is to recapitalize their banks. The alternative is a permanently impaired banking system unable to make the essential contribution to credit availability and economic growth that banks make. And a word of sympathy for banks – that is their shareholders – is in order. You can blame the lending officers of the banks for supporting US mortgage backed credit. You can hardly blame them for lending to their own governments – indeed they are obliged by regulation to do so because they are treated as being the safest of assets.

It can be expected that should some formal Eurozone governments’ defaults be acknowledged of the grave order indicated above (a possible but by no means certain event) governments will have to replenish the capital of their banks. Furthermore the liquidity strains of these banks will continue to be fully satisfied by the ECB – as they have to date. It is this support that has prevented a further melt down in Spanish and Italian debt as well as support for the banks using such debt as collateral for ECB support.

The responses of the US Fed and the US Treasury to the banking and financial crisis has very clearly pointed the way forward for European governments and the ECB. The very effective responses of the Swedish and Norwegian governments to their own banking crisis of the early 1990s are perhaps even better examples of crisis management closer to home.

The share markets may be pricing in not merely a bad case scenario of significant write offs of European government debt. They appear to be pricing a worst case scenario in which European governments and the ECB stand by and watch the European banking and financial collapse. This is a development that would not only harm its banks irreparably but would damage as irreparably the capacity of European governments to raise debt, a notion too ghastly to even contemplate. European leadership and technical central banking skills are surely capable of avoiding the worst case and be able to deal with what is a bad case fully discounted in the market place.

Interest rates: From expectations of a hike to a reduction

The money market is now pricing in a significant probability of a 50bps cut in the repo rate by early next year. The three month interest rates offered by the SA banks on forward rate agreements have been declining sharply since mid August and they declined further last week indicating a more than 50% chance of a 50bps cut within six months.

SA Bank Forward Rate Agreements (FRAs)
The probability of a 50bps cut in the SA three month interest rate

It seems clear that the focus of the Reserve Bank is now firmly on the state of the SA and the global economy rather than on any short term blips in the inflation rate, over which the Bank has little influence. Without a series of unexpectedly good news about the global economy (and the SA economy, especially about demands for credit), these lower interest rates (now factored into and expected by the financial markets) will become a very necessary reality.