Vehicle sales: Combined impact

April proved to be a good month for SA motor plants and showrooms. 50 920 units were sold with all sales categories – from new cars sold to households to very expensive heavy vehicles sold to business (and exports too) – well up on March and on sales recorded a year before. The early Easter holidays had reduced trading days in March compared to a year before, increasing trading opportunities in April.

On a seasonally adjusted basis, unit sales were up by a solid 7 644 units in April compared to March and were nearly 20% up on April sales a year before. If we combine March and April sales, sales this year of 105 866 units were 6.7% higher than the equivalent two months in 2012. This growth in domestic sales will surely be very encouraging to the industry, especially to its manufacturing and assembly arm, accompanied as it was by very good export volumes of 22 907 units – equal to a solid 45% of domestic sales volumes.

When sales are smoothed and extrapolated using a time series forecast, sales appear to be on track for close to 700 000 units on an annual basis by this time next year. This would leave unit sales close to their record pace of late 2007.

As we show below, the industry marked time between 1990 and 2003. Sales then took off very strongly only to be much depressed in the aftermath of the global financial crisis.

This financial crisis was accompanied by a much weaker rand and significantly higher interest rates. Money market rates were over 12% in mid 2008, with overdraft and mortgage rates of the order of 15% p.a. They have come down steadily and significantly since then. As we show below, vehicle sales in SA appear highly sensitive to the level of interest rates and the associated finance costs. The money market is expecting interest rates at worst to remain at current levels for an extended period of time. Our own view is that the next move in SA interest rates will be down, not up, due to sub-par growth rates. These vehicle sales do however confirm that the economy is performing somewhat better on the demand side than the supply side.

The recent strength in the rand and the lower inflation rate this implies improves the chance of an interest rate cut. The sensitivity of vehicle sales to interest rates makes the argument for lower interest rates a still stronger one. The motor manufacturers are the the largest contributors to manufacturing activity generally. They and the economy deserve all the predictable help they can get form lower interest rates. Brian Kantor

The cash conundrum

There is far more cash out there than can be explained by National Income Estimates of Expenditure and Output. This is as true of the US as it is of SA.

A modern economy laden with old fashioned cash

A peculiar feature of the modern economy is just how much cash lies around. The demand for cash appears largely unaffected by the growing use of highly convenient alternatives to cash to pay a bill, or check out of a hotel restaurant or shop. The value of transactions processed by the banks has grown very significantly with the use of credit and debit cards. A still more important development is the use of an online transaction that transfers ownership of a bank deposit from one party to another with a few clicks on a computer.

The extraordinary demand for dollars circulating outside the US banking system has attracted renewed interest following a revised estimate of the greenbacks held outside the US. (See James Surowieki, “The Underground Recovery” in the New Yorker, 25 April and referred to by John Mauldin in his free weekly investment and economic newsletter, “Thoughts from the Frontline”, 27 April, John Mauldin. The revised estimates of off shore holdings came from Edgar Feige of the University of Wisconsin, a pioneer in the analysis of the demand for cash.)

After allowing for the 27% held offshore, this leaves about US$750bn of cash in US wallets, purses, under mattresses and in safety vaults. This is equivalent to over $2000 cash stored by every person in the US. The average American family that is hard pressed for cash at the end of every month will be surprised to know how cash flush they are presumed to be. But as with many other metrics, such averages tell us very little about the financial condition of the average family. The distribution of these extraordinary cash holdings is no doubt highly skewed to the right, with relatively few holders holding the bulk of the cash for their own good reasons.

The demand for cash and other transactions in SA

In SA a similarly extraordinary growth in the demand for cash outside the banking system has been recorded. The rapid growth in demands for cash has taken place despite the impressive advances made in the availability and use of alternatives to cash in SA, as in the US and elsewhere, with the adoption by banks of new technologies. The notes in circulation outside the banking system grew from nearly R23bn at the end of 1999 to over R81b by the end of 2012. That is at an average compound growth rate of 11.3% p.a. Adjusted for inflation the average compound rate of growth was 4.4% p.a. (See below)

 

According to the 2011 census there are some 15 milion households in SA. Dividing R8.1bn of cash in circulation by these 15 million households would mean that the average household in SA held on average as much as R5 400 in cash at the end of 2012. A small, fairly constant proportion of this cash will be held in neighbouring countries, especially Zimbabwe, but these demands are unlikely to account for more than 4% of the rand notes and coin currently in circulation.

In the figures below we show the strong growth in the value of electronic transactions effected by the SA Banks. Not surprisingly, given their convenience, the use of electronic fund transfers (EFTs) has grown significantly while the use of cheques has fallen away. The use of credit cards, while still relatively small, has more or less kept pace with the other forms of exchange since 2002, as we show below.

The value of purely electronic transactions facilitated by the banks grew from R155.2bn in January 2003 to R603.5bn in December 2012, that is at an average compound growth rate of approximately 13.6% p.a. This growth, while impressive, is only about 2% p.a faster than the growth in cash, despite the switch from cheques to EFTs. The average EFT processed by the banks is now about R8 583 per transaction and the average credit card transaction is of the order of R545. These average sized transactions are lower than they were in 2003 when adjusted for inflation.

The average low income SA household is too poor to hold this much cash at the expense of the inadequate food, clothes, energy or educational services they consume. And so we should conclude that the heavy lifting of cash in SA is probably not being done by the road side hawker or marginal retailer, but by more significant business enterprises and their owners.

How can we explain the demand for cash? Using cash escapes surveillance.

The question then is what is all this cash on hand being used for? Cash very obviously serves the interests of those who wish to hide their income from the tax authorities or the officials responsible for means testing welfare benefits. Using cash helps escape surveillance by government and the financial system generally. Honestly declaring extra income earned that takes welfare recipients beyond the income thresholds or tax payers into higher tax brackets can make for what are effectively very high rates of taxation of income at the margin. An extra $100 or rands of extra income earned and declared may well mean more than a hundred of sacrificed benefits or as much in taxes levied.

The currency approach to measuring informal activity

Clearly there is a lot more cash out there in use in SA and the US and in many other economies than can be explained by officially estimated incomes or expenditure, especially given the growth in the use of the alternatives to cash. The question then is just how much income and economic activity goes unrecorded when cash is exchanged for labour and goods and services? Just how much income or expenditure is going unrecorded because the transactions and the value they add are made in cash and are not reported in any reliable consistent way?

An estimate of how much activity is not recorded can be found by observation of the demand for cash itself. The essence of the approach is to attempt to explain and predict the demand for cash using incomes, prices and improvements in payments technology, measured as the value of electronic transactions processed by the banks, as explanations of the demand for cash. The observed higher demands for cash, the demands for cash that cannot be explained in this economically sensible way, then becomes a proxy for estimating the unrecorded levels of economic activity.

How much economic activity is not recorded?

The New Yorker article suggested that as much as $2 trillion worth of economic activity in the US may be going unrecorded. Given that the US GDP is officially estimated at just over $16 trillion, this would make unrecorded activity or the informal economy in the US equivalent to about 12% of the official US economy. Such an estimate is on the low side of estimates made for a number of developed economies, using a variety of methods to supplement national income estimates, including the currency demand models.

Many years ago I attempted to replicate the studies of Feige and others using SA data. In those days the SA economy and its labour market was severely infected by apartheid. In particular, the pass laws and other racially inspired laws and regulations prevented employers providing work and employees from offering their labour. These controls would have encouraged “illegal” activity and employment and the use of cash to avoid detection. My ball park estimates of unrecorded activity were equivalent to over 15% of the official economy. Or, in other words, the SA economy was then perhaps 15% larger than indicated by estimated GDP.

This approach did not find favour. The official estimates of unrecorded activity in SA to this day, officially assumed to be very largely informal retail activity, are estimated to be only about five per cent of recorded activity. This estimate is extraordinarily, perhaps unbelievably low, by international comparisons.

The incentives to use cash in the US and South Africa

For the US the major incentive to use cash may well be, as the New Yorker suggests, to avoid losing welfare benefits. In South Africa a further more important reason for using cash may be to escape not only tax or avoid the loss of welfare benefits but also and more importantly to escape the burdens of a highly regulated labour market. The incentive to use cash, rather than banks, to side step the regulations of the labour market and also by so doing to escape the supervision of the Receiver of Revenue, is surely a powerful motive for using cash.

More unrecorded activity means more unrecorded employment. If so this does not weaken the argument for a less regulated economy

If we are underestimating income and expenditure we are also underestimating actual employment. The only employment numbers we can be reasonably be sure of are the jobs offered by the formal sector. Unrecorded economic activity and unrecorded employment are therefore also matters of conjecture.

If SA has less of an employment problem than the official estimates indicate, given the unrecorded economic activity and associated employment, it still has as much of a poverty problem. The solution to SA poverty is faster growth, especially in faster growth of formal employment. But such growth in employment will not be realized or recorded unless the incentives for all businesses, especially small businesses, to operate formally are much improved.

Conclusion: Greater economic freedom for South Africa will add to incomes and employment and reduce the demands for cash and increase rather than reduce tax collected.

Encouraging formal employment and less evasion of taxation requires freer labour markets, less complicated income taxation, lower business income tax rates and much more sympathetic regulation of small businesses and their owners. Such steps might well raise more rather than reduce tax revenues as small businesses elect to operate above rather than below the radar screen. If they did so one of their attendant benefits would be access to a much more convenient payments system.

Progress in this regard may well be recognised by slower growth in the demand for and supply of cash. Unfortunately SA, with new licensing demands on all businesses that would seem to be in the interest only of the officials attempting to enforce new licensing laws, seems to be moving in the other direction. Brian Kantor

Bond markets: Fair winds from Tokyo for the bond market

Last week was a poor week for equities. JSE listed equities underperformed their emerging market peers and the rand also weakened in sympathy (see below). The trade weighted rand lost about three per cent by the end of the week.

Somewhat surprisingly – given rand weakness that ordinarily implies more inflation to come – the market in rand denominated fixed interest securities, across the yield curve, had a very strong week. The forward rate agreements offered by the banks moved sharply lower (and bond prices higher) implying, in the market’s view, that there was no chance of an increase in the repo rate over the next 18 months.

 

The yield curve represented by the zero coupon bonds also moved sharply lower beyond six years’ duration – by over 40 basis points. The implication of this move is that the RSA one year interest rate, while still expected to move higher over the years, is now only expected to breach the 7% level in 2020.

Consistently with these moves lower (in actual and expected interest rates), inflation expectations have declined. These expectations are implicit in the difference between vanilla RSA bonds that are exposed to the risks of higher inflation and the inflation linkers that are fully protected against inflation. This measure ofinflation expected, or more literally compensation for bearing inflation risk, is given much attention by the Reserve Bank. The argument is that inflation expected causes inflation itself, for which incidentally there is little evidence. The feedback loop is from higher inflation to more inflation expected, not the other way around. This measure of inflation expected has remained stubbornly and very consistently above 6% for much of the past few years. That it declined last week will be welcome news to the Reserve Bank and provides further strength to the argument being reflected in the money market that the next move in the repo rate is down rather than up.

The one consolation in the weaker rand is that it is being accompanied by consistent weakness in commodity prices. Generally a trend from which precious and other metals as well as oil have not escaped, so implying less inflationary pressure.

It is the weakness in commodity and metal prices and in emerging equity markets that have weighed on the rand and other emerging and commodity currencies. As we show below, the rand has made some small gains against the Aussie dollar and the Brazilian real since early March, though it did weaken marginally last week.

For global bonds, including the RSA bonds, the commitment to extraordinary money supply growth in Japan and the intention to weaken the yen, brings about the so-called yen carry trade. The difference between interest rates in Japan and almost everywhere else is thus a primary reason for downward pressure on global interest rates. Borrowing in yen and buying rand denominated securities was a poor trade in the first week of April, but a much better one over the past two weeks, notwithstanding the weaker rand against most currencies last week, the yen excepted. Brian Kantor

Monetary policy: A movable feast

Easter is the bane of those who attempt to measure the temperature of an economy. Without a good fix on current activity it is very difficult to forecast the future. The trouble with the Easter festivals is that unlike Christmas celebrations, they come at different times of the year. An early Easter for the average retailer will add to sales in March and reduce them in April and vice versa when Easter falls in April.

For motor dealers the opposite is true. For some reason, obscure to us, probably due to the regulation of their hours of trading, they stay closed on public holidays and Sundays. In other words, unlike your ordinary retailers who stay open on holidays for the convenience of customers and to the advantage of their part time employees, the motor dealers lose trading days over Easter.

This makes the essential seasonal adjustment more difficult to estimate. For retail sales in South Africa, the Christmas influence on spending at retail level, combined as it with the summer holiday effect on spending is very large. For the average South African retailer December month sales on average account for 35% more than the average month. To get a good idea of how good or bad retailers have done in December compared to past Decembers or to November, sales revenues of the average retailer have to be reduced (divided by) a factor of 1.35. For the motor dealer new vehicle unit sales have to be scaled up by 0.85 (ie divided by a factor of 0.85).

Over the longer run March and April on average have proved to be a slightly below sales months for the average retailer: the scaling factor is 0.98 or 0.97. But life is more complicated for the motor dealer. March is usually an above average month, with a scaling factor of 1.08, and presumably March becomes an even stronger month when Easter does not reduce showroom hours as they did this year. Meanwhile April, presumably because Easter usually but not always falls in April, is a below average month with a scaling up factor of 0.87.

This year, with Easter in March, will be a more difficult year to interpret sales trends for the motor dealers and perhaps also for retailers generally. To get at the underlying trend in sales and sales volumes we would have to scale up for the motor dealers and scale down for the orinary retailers by more than usual, but just how much would be a matter of some guess work. We will have to wait for sales in April to be confident in our measures.

Estimates of retail sales provided by Stats SA are only up to date to February. As we show below, the estimate of sales volumes in February were encouraging, suggesting that , on a seasonally adjusted basis, it was a better month for retailers than January 2013. On a seasonally adjusted basis retail volumes declined by 1.75% in January compared to December 2012 and grew by 2.7% in February compared to January. February volumes, compared to February 2012, were up 7.4%.

However despite this pick up in February sales volumes, extrapolating recent trends, appropriately seasonally adjusted and smoothed, suggests that the growth in retail volumes will continue to slow down marginally over the next 12 months. However this forecast growth in retail sales volumes can still be regarded as satisfactory. Real growth is predicted to be 4% in February 2014. With retail inflation currently running at a 4.6% year on year rate and predicted to rise to 5.2% in February 2014, this suggests that retail sales in current prices may be running at a close to 10% rate this time next year.

What the hard numbers say

We do however have actual vehicle sales volumes for March from the National Association of Automobile Manufacturers (Naamsa). These must be interpreted with caution. We also know from the Reserve Bank the value of its notes in circulation at March month end. We use these hard numbers to compile our up to date Hard Number Index (HNI) of economic activity which is an equally weighted combination of the real note issue and new unit vehicle sales. As we show below, this Index compares very well in its turning points with the delayed Business Cycle Indicator provided by the Reserve Bank. The Index, updated to March, indicates that the economy continued to grow faster in March but that the rate of forward momentum was more or less constant and maybe slowing down.

Values above 100 indicate economic growth. The Index was helped by strong growth in the note issue. This growth too was influenced by the early Easter and the spending intentions associated with it. The demand for cash is itself a coinciding rather than a leading indicator of economic activity. Households hold more cash when they intend to spend more on goods and services. However the advantage of measuring the note issue is that it provides a much more up to date indicator of spending intentions than spending itself. Spending, for example at retail level, is an estimate made from a sample survey, not a hard number, and moreover is only available with a lag. It will only be well into May before we can update our estimate of retail spending.

The close statistical relationship between growth in the note issue and growth in retail sales at current prices is shown below. Both series are on a slower growth trend and are predicted to remain so.

Should such negative trends in domestic spending materialise, more aggressive monetary policy would surely be justified. High rates of inflation that threaten the inflation targets have inhibited such monetary policy responses to date and may continue to do so. However, high rates of inflation cannot be ascribed to excessive domestic demand for goods and services. The trends moreover suggest that the growth in demand will be slowing down, rather than speeding up. The recent inflation in SA have had little to do with excess demand and much more to do with weakness in the rate of exchange and so the costs of imports that reflect also global commodity price trends. These trends, for example in the US dollar price of petroleum, suggest less rather than more inflation to come from this source (independent of exchange rates).

The problem for an inflation concerned Reserve Bank is that there is little predictable connection between interest rates and the exchange value of the rand and therefore very little direct influence the Bank can exert on inflation rates. Higher interest rates, if they implied slower economic growth, might well discourage capital inflows and encourage capital outflows, so weakening the rand and thus add to inflation, even as higher interest rates and a weaker rand discourage domestic spending.

Lower interest rates, where they boost economic growth, might in turn attract portfolio flows to the JSE and lead to a stronger not weaker rand. Faster growth with less inflation then becomes a highly desirable possibility.

Inflation targeting, without being able to predict the direction of the rate of exchange when policy action is undertaken, makes little sense. It may come to pass that the Reserve Bank accepts that the most it can hope to do with its monetary policy is to stabilise domestic spending, without regard to the outcomes for inflation. Recent policy actions by the Reserve Bank strongly indicate that in practice the Bank is following a dual mandate – targeting growth as well as inflation.

If only the rand would behave itself in the months ahead (implying no upward pressure on inflation rates) this dual mandate could lead it to lower interest rates. Recent movements in short and long term interest rates indicate that the money and bond markets are according a higher probability to a reduction in the repo rate over the next 12 months. Brian Kantor

Anglo’s parting chief: How not to say goodbye

Published by Business Day, Friday April 19th 2013. Opinion and Analysis Section, p11

Taking leave of her long suffering shareholders, Cynthia Carroll chose to admonish rather than commiserate with them.  As the Financial Times reported:

In a parting shot at shareholder demands for greater cash returns, Cynthia Carroll told the FT that there was a “disconnect” between mining companies and investors, adding that the latter need to understand better “what it really takes to deliver projects”.

“Some [shareholders are] under severe pressure and want a return tomorrow.  They’re going to be hard-pressed to get them because it’s not going to happen that way.  We have to be ruthless in terms of what [costs] we’ve got to cut but we have to be mindful we’re in a long-term industry.”[1]

 The truth about the recent behaviour of investors in Anglo is that far from any alleged short term disconnect between price and performance, as alleged, Anglo shareholders  are demonstrating remarkable patience in the face of a simply disastrous performance of the company in recent years that has seen Anglo’s earnings collapse. Blaming the global slowdown and super cycle bust ring hollow when judged by Anglo’s poor performance relative to that of its large diversified mining house peers. BHP Billiton, Rio Tinto and Anglo American are all listed on the FTSE in London. Since 2007 when Ms Carroll became CEO, BHP Billiton has beaten the FTSE by a factor of 1.95; Rio Tinto has beaten it by 1.31 and Anglo has returned only 0.61 relative to every £1 invested in the FTSE. This is a sad case of sterling underperformance.

The price to earnings multiple for Anglo has shot up lately in response to a collapse in reported earnings after taxes and write offs. Thus indicating very clearly that shareholders are hopeful that earnings will recover in due course. Let us hope that their confidence in the newly appointed Anglo management to affect a recovery in the mining house operations will be justified. Far from being short cited in the face of very poor recent results investors are proving remarkably loyal to Anglo.

The sad news about Anglo’s (AGL) performance under Ms Carroll’s watch is easily captured in a few more diagrams.  We show that while AGL was once worth more than BHP Billiton (BIL), its market value is now considerably lower. From a peak market value of over R700b in 2007 before the Global Financial Crisis struck, the company was worth less than half R336.4b by March 2013. As we show BIL held up much better over the period and is now worth significantly more than AGL (approximately R230b more at the March 2013 month end). Compared to early 2003 before the commodity super cycle shareholders would have done about three times better holding BIL than AGL shares.

Such relative performance is well explained by earnings and dividends per share. Anglo’s after tax earnings per share having collapsed in the past financial year to December 2012 is now below its level of early 2003. BIL earnings per share, while also under strong downward pressure, grew much faster over the ten year period and are well above 2003 levels as we show.  The upshot of all this history is that AGL was selling at the March 2013  month end for a highly generous and forgiving multiple of over 30 times its reported earnings while BHP Billiton commands a much more sober multiple of 12.8 times. The average price to reported earnings multiples for both companies over the past ten years has been about 13.5 times. Based on this measure, Anglo is priced for a recovery and normalisation of its earnings.

Anglo American and BHP Billiton Market Value (R’ 000m)

 

Ratio Market value of Anglo/ BHP Billiton 2003=1

 

Anglo American Earnings and Dividends per share  (2003- 2013; South African cents )

 

 

BHP BILLITON Earnings and Dividends per share (2003- 3013 sa cents)

 

 

Anglo American and BHP Billiton Price/Earnings Multiple

 

While price earnings multiples give an impression of the long term expectations that inform market values, we can take a closer look at the South African mining industry to judge more accurately what the market expects of the mining houses in terms of operating profitability and value creation.

Contrary to Ms Carroll’s statements and those of many other pundits unsympathetic to market forces  investors have long-term expectations about growth, return on capital and risk when they value the anticipated future cash flow from companies.  They take a long term view because it is the value adding viewpoint to adopt. Smart investors and corporate executives back into and analyse market expectations to understand current valuations before they buy or sell shares. If expectations appear too optimistic then the investment shouldn’t be made.  Two much pessimism about the long term provides a buying opportunity.

Using CFROI[2], which is a measure of the real cash flow return on operating assets,  we investigate the return on capital implications implicit in the current values attached to the mining companies listed on the JSE.

The average real return on capital (CFROI) for global industrial and service companies is 6%.  Firms that can generate operating returns that beat this level can generally be said to be creating shareholder value.  Firms that generate real operating returns less than 6% are destroying shareholder value.  South Africa (defined as firms listed on the JSE) has one of the highest median CFROI values in the world at 10%.  This is something to be very proud of.  In general, South African companies are very well managed and create shareholder value. If they can continue to generate returns that beat their cost of capital, they should re-invest their earnings and grow.  It is not a lack of cash that stops companies from investing more in SA mining operations , but rather uncertainty about the risk and economics of future earnings from those investments.  The government should do all it can to welcome investment and decrease uncertainty if it truly wishes to unleash growth.

Unfortunately, the South African mining sector has not generated a particularly attractive return on capital.  The median CFROI for the aggregate South African mining industry is 6.2% over the past 20 years. It has exceeded 9% in only two years, 2001 and 2006.  Many miners did very well during the commodities super cycle from 2006 to 2008 but have generated value destructive operating returns since. Platinum mining has provided a  particularly disappointing return on capital since the super cycle collapsed as has much of the acquisition activity undertaken by the diversified miners.

 SA Miners All Regions All Sectors – Weighted

And so what are the current expectations implied by current market values?  The aggregate CFROI for the South African mining industry implicit in current valuations is expected to remain well below 6%, which is below the real cost of capital or the returns normally demanded of risky mining operations.  Spiralling costs and low commodity prices are squeezing profitability, and this squeeze (undemanding expected returns) is baked into today’s lower share prices.  If we compare forward expectations over the next five years for BIL, Rio Tinto and AGL, BIL is priced for its CFROI to go from 10% to 7%; Rio Tinto from 7% to 5%; and AGL from 5% to a value destructive 2%. Such low expectations indicate that AGL is either cheap or the market has decided it is a value trap. The onus is on management to prove the market wrong by improving operational control, not to blame the market for losing faith in the industry.

The share market doesn’t expect growth from the mining houses. It is rather demanding that the mining houses pay much closer attention to cost control and operational excellence. These low market expectations should act as a warning to managers, workers and the government responsible for mining policy. The lower profits and reduced growth expected is not in synch with demands for higher wages, electricity prices and government interference with mining rights and the taxation of mining profits.  If these low expectations can be countered by sober management and relations, then these companies and their returns stand a stronger chance of recovering their status with investors. In the long run it will be the real return on the cash invested by the mining companies that will be decisive in determining their value to shareholders. In the long run economic fundamentals will trump what may be volatile expectations. The mining companies can manage for the long run with complete confidence in the willingness of the share market to give them time but must bear in mind that actions speak louder than words.

 Brian Kantor and David Holland



[2] Follow this link for more information about CFROI: https://www.credit-suisse.com/investment_banking/holt/en/education/popup_tutorial1.jsp 

Equity markets: The stock market always has a message for us – reading the market signs

Published in Investec Wealth and Investment Private View Quarter 2 2013

There is perhaps only one observation one might make with great confidence about the value of a firm: that over the long run its market value will be aligned to its economic performance. The better the realised performance, the more valuable the firm or a share in it will be.

In the long run economic fundamentals account for share values

There is perhaps only one observation one might make with great confidence about the value of a firm: that over the long run its market value will be aligned to its economic performance. The better the realised performance, the more valuable the firm or a share in it will be.

The problem for the analyst or investor is that the market is always attempting to value the expected rather than the realised performance of a company. These expectations can change from day to day, while it is only over the very long run that performance and its valuation will converge in an understandable way. The market does however provide consistent clues about the expectations implicit in market valuations. These clues then allow the investor to make judgments about the realism of these expectations of performance. They may be judged too optimistic (therefore providing reasons to lighten exposure to the market) or too pessimistic (making a case for increasing exposure to equities, that is for taking on more risk).

A firm’s economic performance might be calculated using a variety of metrics: accounting earnings per share (after interest and taxes paid) would be the most obvious measure of performance; dividends per share or operating profits might serve better as a measure of business success or the lack of it; so might cash flow – so called EBITDA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortisation) – be preferred as a measure of the economic performance of a company; free cash flow (that is cash flow after investment activity) might indicate how well the company is doing.

These performance measures might best be normalised to exclude extraordinary temporary additions to or subtractions from bottom line accounting earnings. This would give rise to the so called headline earnings reported by JSE listed companies or even normalised headline earnings reported by some companies. The deepest insights into how well a company is performing are most likely to be found in measuring the cash flow return on capital (the return on the cash invested by the firm, suitably adjusted for inflation).

When we aggregate the performance of all the firms that make up a stock market, we find that all of these different measures of performance prove to be highly correlated. They will all tell a very similar story about how well the firms that make up the stock market have done over time.

Expected rather than past performance accounts for the short run behaviour of the market place

The problem for the investor is that while realised performance will be decisive in determining the value of a company over the long run, the market place does not sit by patiently waiting for economic performance to unfold. The day to day value of a company or the share market is determined by expected rather than past performance. And as investment advisors are constantly obliged to remind their clients, past performance is not necessarily a guide to future performance – even though it may be the only useful guide available.

Future economic performance implicit in current market values can as easily be overestimated as underestimated. If such estimates are proven (by subsequent events) to have been too optimistic, market values will tend to fall into line with disappointing economic outcomes. If the estimates of performance are too pessimistic then share prices will tend to rise and thus fall into line with the unexpectedly good economic outcomes.

Prices fall in line with performance – or performance catches up with prices

In any longer run view of the relationship between values and performance, either prices will fall into line with disappointing performance or unexpectedly good performance will drive prices higher. In the long run prices and performance will track each other.

The environment also matters – as reflected in the discount rate applied to future performance

There is a related issue when the value of a firm or a market has to be determined. This is the rate of discount which should be applied to expected performance, measured as a flow of earnings, dividends or free cash flow over time. Clearly future expected benefits from the ownership of an asset or firm are less valuable than current benefits gained from owning any asset or a share. Any market value can be logically regarded as being the result of a present value calculation. A similar calculation will be made by any firm contemplating capital expenditure. Future expected benefits have to be discounted to derive their present value.

This discount rate wlll be very much influenced by interest rates prevailing in the market place. Investing in a share is an alternative to investing in cash or short or long dated government bonds paying a fixed rate of interest with a certain money value. When investing in the shares or the debt of companies, a risk premium will be added to these interest rates to compensate for risk of default or failure.

But it is not only the risk to the firm that will be taken into account when values are estimated. It is the risks posed by government to the economic outcomes for firms and share owners that will be reflected in interest rates offered by government borrowers. For example the risks of higher or lower inflation will be revealed in these minimal interest rates, as will risks that government will tax interest income more heavily or will come to rely more heavily on debt than tax revenues to fund additional expenditure.

Furthermore interest rates will also rise or fall in response to a real shortage of savings. If the demand for savings or capital strengthens, from firms and the government itself, then real, after (expected) inflation interest rates will rise and vice versa. The greater the competition for capital, the higher will be real interest rates, and so the less valuable will be the present value of an asset as benefits are discounted at a higher rate.

Good news and bad news reasons for higher discount rates

This lower present value would occur with higher interest rates (all other things remaining equal). In this case the expected performance of the companies would have to be expected to remain unchanged in the face of higher interest rates. Often however the competition for capital will be most intense when companies are doing well and expect to do well.

These conditions would provide good news reasons for higher interest rates and could lead to higher values, despite higher costs of capital. The bad news reason for higher interest rates is when governments are thought more likely to misbehave by adopting less encouraging economic policies for the firms that make up the economy. Bad news about government policy or about the performance of a firm inevitably translates into higher interest rates and hence less valuable companies. Good news about improving government policies and or better managed firms usually means the opposite.

We may not be able to predict share prices in the short run, but we can know when the market place is optimistic or pessimistic about the economic future.

However accurately predicting the day to day moves in share prices is very difficult because expectations can change significantly as information, the news and its interpretation, percolate through the market place moving market values in a largely random way. Yet it is possible to observe when the market is more or less optimistic about the future. The best that the informed investor can hope to do is to use market values to infer how optimistic or pessimistic the market currently is about the prospects and to agree with or take issue with the prevailing sentiment. We undertake such an exercise for the value of the key share market index, the S&P 500 (representing the largest 500 companies shares listed on the New York and Nasdaq stock exchanges).

In the figure below we show the results of a simple regression equation which explains the value of the S&P 500 with reported dividends and long term US Treasury Bond Yields. This is equivalent to a present value calculation, with long term US government interest rates used as the discount rate.

As may be seen from the figure below, the explanatory power of this model is very good with actual and predicted values closely aligned in general. The goodness of fit of the model, measured by its R squared, is of the order of 95%. Thus the model may be regarded as providing a very good long term explanation of the value of the S&P 500. The S&P 500 over the long run is well explained by reported dividends and long term interest rates.

It should also be noticed that the fit was generally even closer before 2000 than since then, given the influence of the dotcom/tech bubble in the early 2000s and the Global Financial Crisis late in the decade.

The most striking conclusion to be drawn from this exercise is that the S&P 500 at the March 2013 month end, despite its recent strong gains, is still deeply undervalued by its own standards: in percentage terms about 40% below its predicted value. If the past were the guide to current performance, then the S&P 500 (given current dividends and interest rates) would have a predicted value of 2440 rather than the current (still record) level of 1560. In other words, it may be concluded that the market currently remains about as pessimistic about earnings and dividend prospects as it was at the height of the financial crisis in 2009. The same model estimated in May 2009 indicates that the market was then undervalued by 47%. As the chart shows, the S&P 500 recovered very strongly from these depressed 2009 levels over the next 24 months as prices caught up with the improved fundamentals of rising dividends and low interest rates. The same model, when estimated at the height of the stock market boom in May 2000, indicated that the market was then as much as 55% overvalued. Those times were times of extreme optimism about the prospects for listed US companies, an optimism that was not at all borne out by subsequent performance of earnings or dividends per share.

The S&P 500 Index: Actual and predicted values

Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Wealth & Investment

We use easily calculated dividends per share rather than earnings per share as the measure of shareholder benefits. This is because S&P 500 earnings per share collapsed so precipitously during the Global Financial Crisis of 2009 as financial corporations had to write off their many bad loans. Dividends and operating profits held up much better over this period, as we show below, and therefore provide a much better reflection of the economic performance of the companies valued between 2008 and 2013. Both series have recovered very strongly and are close to or above their pre crisis levels.

S&P 500 Earnings and dividends per share in US cents (log scale)

Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Wealth & Investment

It may therefore be concluded that if the past is anything to go by, the S&P 500 continues to offer value. By the standards of the past the market is very undervalued for current dividends and interest rates. Pessimism, rather than optimism about economic prospects for the S&P 500, appears to dominate sentiment. The potential investor in the market can make his or her own judgments about whether such essential pessimism is still justified.

It should be appreciated that, by these measures, the market can remain undervalued for an extended period of time. It is also possible that earnings and dividends may collapse to justify such pessimism. Interest rates in the US may also rise for bad news reasons, such as less faith in the US government. They may also rise for good news reasons because US firms become more willing to undertake capital expenditure and compete, pushing up interest rates accordingly. If so, the US economy and the global economy, as well as earnings and dividends that flow from the economy, are unlikely to disappoint. Stock market valuations would then play further catch up through realised performance.

It may be of some comfort to those with a bias in favour of buying and holding shares for the long term to know that by its own standards, that is relative to past performance and current interest rates, the US equity market remains deeply undervalued despite the recent gains made.

 Brian Kantor

From Tokyo to Johannesburg – a move in interest rates and the rand

There were some interesting developments on the SA interest rate front late last week. Long term rates in SA declined by more than they did in the US. Thus the spread between the rand yields on long dated RSAs over US Treasury Bonds narrowed.

This spread is equivalent to the rate at which the rand is expected to depreciate against the US dollar over the next 10 years or so. It is notable that as the rand weakened over the past 12 months the spread actually narrowed, indicating less (rather than more) rand weakness to come in the years ahead. This spread, which we describe as the SA risk premium, was over 6% this time last year; last week it had fallen to 4.58% (see below).

The gap between long dated vanilla RSA bonds and their inflation linked equivalents remains stubbornly around the 6% plus range, though this compensation for bearing inflation risk (implicit in long dated fixed interest) also narrowed marginally.


Inflation expected in the US, calculated similarly as the difference in yields on vanilla bonds and inflation linkers of similar duration, is of the order of 2.5%. This spread has widened marginally over the past 12 months (see below).


The spread between RSA US dollar-denominated (Yankee) bonds and US Treasuries also narrowed last week to about 150bps. The spread was below 120bps in December 2012.


RSA US dollar bonds have not performed as well as most of their emerging market peers over the past 12 months. Turkey now enjoys a superior credit rating to SA. Mexican and Brazilian bonds have been in particular favour with global investors as we show below.

A fair wind from Japan


The force dominating developments on the global interest rate front last week was the carry trade in the yen. Despite the markedly weaker yen – in response to aggressive money creation in Japan – interest rates in Japan remain below yields everywhere else. Thus borrowing yen to buy higher yielding securities everywhere else, including in SA, must have seemed like a good idea late last week. It has certainly proved to have been a good trade this week and may well be judged to offer further advantages in the weeks ahead. The rand and bond yields in SA will benefit from any such further yen carry trade – as should the interest rate plays on the JSE. Brian Kantor

New vehicle sales: A good but slower pace of sales in February

New unit vehicle sales fell off the torrid pace set in January 2013. On a seasonally adjusted basis, unit sales fell back from the 57 834 units sold in January to 52 760 units sold in February. We had suggested that January sales may have been boosted by pre-emptive buying in response to rand weakness.

As we show in the chart below, unit sales (seasonally adjusted and smoothed) remain on an upward tack. If current trends are maintained, the distributors of new cars in SA could be looking to monthly sales (seasonally adjusted) of 59 000 units by this time next year. This would take the industry almost back to the record levels of sales achieved in 2006. It is instructive to notice how little growth in vehicle sales volumes occurred between 1990 and 2002, but also how sales took off in the boom years (2003- 2007) before the recession knocked them back again. That sales are again approaching boom time volumes should be regarded as very good news about the resilience of the SA consumer.

While sales in the local market are satisfactory, even as their growth may have slowed, the motor manufacturers and component suppliers will be well pleased with fast growing export volumes. New vehicle exports numbered 27 011 units, or 5 057 more units than exported a year ago, a gain of 22.4%. It will be appreciated that vehicle exports are now running at a fraction more than 50% of domestic sales. This boost to exports will be particularly appreciated by the authorities and the currency traders worried about the slow pace of exports and the large trade deficit recorded in January 2013. Clearly vehicle sales have been encouraged by low interest rates and available bank credit. The low interest rates and banks eager to lend are very likely to continue to add impetus to the vehicle market. The weaker rand however, will make it harder for the dealers to compete on the price front – not only with other dealers but with all other goods and services that compete for a share of the household budget. Brian Kantor

Money and credit: No signs of a pickup in growth rates

Money supply and credit numbers for January 2013 show that while the supply of money (broadly defined as M3) continues to increase, the pace of growth remains subdued at about the 6.5% to 7 % year on year rate. The asset side of the bank’s balance sheet, represented by credit granted to the private sector, has been growing at a slightly faster rate, closer to a 9%.

There would however appear little evidence of any pickup in growth in bank lending or in the broadly defined money supply. Mortgage lending, which is usually a large component of credit supplied by the banks, about 50% of all bank credit provided to the private sector, continues to grow very slowly. Clearly house price gains and thus growth in mortgage lending are increasing very slowly, with the rate of growth slowing down.

These money supply and credit trends, as well as the very subdued trend in house prices, make the case for lower interest rates. Until such time as these trends move strongly in a higher direction, short term interest rates in SA will remain on hold – though given these money and credit trends the economy could well have done with lower interest rates. Brian Kantor

Labour relations, the elephant in the room of the 2013 Budget

Pretence about wages and employment harms the SA economy and the poor

There is a politically convenient illusion at the heart of SA’s dysfunctional labour market, which is well demonstrated in the balancing act forced upon the Minister of Finance in his 2013 Budget proposals.

The dysfunction is the large and ever growing gap between the potential supply of labour and the demand for labour by formal sector employers. The formal economy has become ever less labour intensive, while the real wages of those in formal employment have grown significantly. The gap between real GDP and formal employment has grown consistently over the years. And competition between labour unions to represent the increasingly well paid formal sector workers has intensified, leading to unprotected strikes and the disruption of production. The figure included in the 2013 Budget Review makes the essential point: it show how the growth in GDP, or value added, has consistently exceeded the growth in the numbers employed. These are dangerous trends, crocodile jaws that might well eat up the economy unless this gap can be closed.

Employers in SA have been forced to pay higher wages by unions capable of disrupting production. Higher minimum wages and limited normal hours of work have added to the costs of hiring labour. The rights of employers and their rights of dismissal for unsatisfactory work have become highly attenuated and have added to the risks and costs of providing employment.

What is not appreciated by many in government and in the unions is that employers, sometimes to the obvious frustration of the unions and the politicians, retain the right to decide how many workers to employ. And private sector employers, with their own or their shareholders savings (capital) at risk, have responded by employing fewer workers whom they pay higher real wages but reinforce with more and superior quality machinery.

The reality for the average formal sector business is that capital has become relatively cheaper and equipment more productive while employing labour has become more expensive and maybe even less productive, when the contribution of capital to output is factored into their production functions – hence a smaller proportion of workers with formal sector jobs. And with fewer workers formally employed this means many more employed outside the formal sector, unemployed or discouraged from seeking employment.

The gains made by the formally employed have come at the expense of those who have found it so difficult to break into the ranks of the better off formally employed. Their frustrations are highly understandable but they appear to have had much less political support than the unionised workers, protected against lower wage competition. These labour market outsiders are not the only parties disadvantaged by these trends in the labour market. Artificially expensive labour is to the disadvantage of formal business as well, since they might have grown faster had they been encouraged to employ more labour. Labour intensive entrepreneurs able to compete with the established, capital intensive firms are thin on the ground.

It is not an accident that employment by government agencies has grown significantly while employment conditions have improved considerably, both in real terms and also in comparison with benefits provided in the private sector. Taxpayers have proved remarkably generous in their treatment of government employees. We cannot be definitive due to inconsistencies in the Statistics SA data, but private sector employment declined by around 1 million between 1994 and 2012 whereas government employment grew by around 1.5 million over the same period. At any rate, the public sector now employs 2.83 million people or nearly 1 in 4 formal sector workers.

This no doubt has encouraged the belief that neither wages nor the productivity of labour has anything to do with employment opportunities in the public sector, ie it is not economics but politics that determines who earns what.

The illusion is also that all employers can and should provide decent jobs with good pay. The unfortunate reality is that many South Africans and most of those without formal employment do not possess the skills to command so called decent (well paid) jobs. Therefore even when those without valuable skills manage to find work they will not easily escape poverty. Unfortunately low wage employment is the only realistic alternative to unemployment. Presumably, for many actively seeking work, low paid work would be preferred to no work at all. Given the quality of the SA labour force, and given the inadequacy of the education and training provided many South Africans during and after apartheid, the choices in the labour market are unfortunately limited to low paid work or no work.

It is this illusion that has led recently to a 50% increase in the minimum wage for agricultural workers, to a countrywide R105 per day. This is despite very different supply and demand conditions around the country. It is also despite the fact that employment in agriculture, hunting, forestry and fishing (according to the Quarterly Labour Force Survey) fell precipitously from 1.362 million in September 2000 to a reported 624 000 in September 2011. The presumption must surely be that minimum wages and other regulations applied to agriculture have had a major influence on this outcome and that the higher minimum wages will lead to further losses in employment. This is so even though the higher minimum wage of R105 per day, will not enable these farm workers and their families to escape poverty.

There is a great divide between those South Africans in what may well be described as “decent jobs” and those many more who stand outside the gates and are understandably anxious to enter the more comfortable world of formal employment. The outsiders may be unemployed – actively looking for work and able to accept a job offer at short notice – or they may be working, usually for lesser benefits in the informal sector, or they may well have withdrawn from the labour market. A definitive account of the unemployed or discouraged workers as well as those working part time or full time informally is not available. We have to rely on surveys and the responses of the sample of households surveyed for evidence of employment status (which may not be reliable).

The 2011 census estimated the unemployment rate, narrowly defined as the percentage of active work seekers in the labour force as 29.8%, with the labour force being defined as the sum of the employed and unemployed. The absorption rate of the economy, that is the numbers employed as a percentage of the working age population, makes even grimmer reading: it averaged only 39.7% while the labour force participation rate (the labour force, employed and unemployed) as a percentage of the working age population was only 56.5%.

These rates varied widely by racial group and gender with black South Africans and black women the least likely to be employed or to participate in the labour force. The absorption rate for black men was estimated at 40.8% while that for black women was much lower at 28.8%. The percentage of white men of working age absorbed into employment was 75.7% while that of white women was 62.5%. The reality is that the real incomes of those in work have been rising significantly, while the numbers employed in the formal private sector have moved significantly in the other direction since the Labour Relations Act was introduced in 1995, even while the adult population and the potential supply of workers to the formal sector has grown significantly. Supply and demand for labour has not been allowed to work as it might have done with less interference.

The harsh truth is that for many South Africans unable to gain entry to formal employment, it will continue to be a choice between low pay determined by the realities of the supply and demand for labour or no pay at all. Migration from the regions of slow growth to seek work in the faster growing cities may be the only alternative to not working. Their opportunity set could however be widened significantly were the rules that govern employment opportunities to be relaxed.

It is high time, in other words, to restrain the power of the trade union movement that has been so enhanced in recent years by regulation and legislation . We can do so in several practical ways, all of which are consistent with Article 23.1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the so-called “right to work” as Loane Sharp of Adcorp has detailed (Business Day, 25 May 2012: http://www.bdlive.co.za/articles/2012/05/25/loane-sharp-sa-s-trade-unions-the-biggest-obstacle-to-job-creation#).

He suggests:

• Repealing the “closed shop” laws that compel job-seekers to join a trade union as a precondition for obtaining a job;
• Repealing the “agency shop” laws that compel workers to pay trade union membership fees whether they belong to a trade union or not;
• Requiring that trade unions ballot their members ahead of a strike, and further require that a two-thirds majority votes in favour of a strike;
• Prohibiting open ballots and requiring secret ballots, since open ballots lead to intimidation of union members who vote against a strike;
• Prohibiting employers’ collection of trade union dues on trade unions’ behalf;
• Prohibiting the automatic extension of bargaining council agreements to entire industries or sectors, so that these agreements are voluntary;
• On a nationwide basis, placing an upper limit on wage settlements, so that wage increases may not exceed labour’s marginal nominal productivity growth; and
• Making trade unions liable for the loss of company earnings that occurs during unprotected work stoppages.

The hope must be that over time increased spending on education and training will provide the entrant to the labour force with the skills that command good pay. The further hope is that the economy, helped by a much more flexible labour market, can grow fast enough to cause a shortage of unskilled labour relative to the availability of skilled labour, capital and natural resources. The competition for unskilled workers will then help in time to provide decent jobs for all. It can be much faster than trickle down – more like a torrent of real wage growth should the economy grow faster. It is certainly capable of doing this with the encouragement from a much more functional labour market. Brian Kantor

Electricity pricing: A shock for Eskom, a boost for the economy and a dilemma for the Treasury

The National Energy Regulator (Nersa) turned down the heat for the energy user, allowing Eskom to levy 8% annual increases for its electricity over the next five years, half the increases Eskom had applied for.

The most obvious beneficiaries are the large energy intensive users, the beneficiators of raw materials, who account of about 44% of the load. They contribute heavily to SA exports and they need all the help they can get with the trade balance under pressure form much stronger growth in imports than exports. Their viability would have been seriously compromised had Eskom had its way.

Property owners and their tenants, directly or indirectly paying more for electricity, will also be relieved, as will lighter industry and the ordinary household (though for them the electricity supplier is not Eskom but their local friendly municipalities).

When Eskom supplied artificially cheap electricity until recently – its charges have tripled over the past five years from about 20c per Kwh to the current 61c – the municipalities did not hesitate to use the monopoly power thay had to charge local users a whole lot more.

A new funding mechanism, the equitable share formula, introduced in the 2013 Budget, will give municipalities a grant of R275 for every household with income of less than R2 300 per month – this is estimated to mean more than 59% of all households in SA. This source of funding will hopefully take the pressure off the electricity tariffs that have been used as a very convenient tax. Using the broader tax base rather than electricity tariffs to help the poor is the right approach and should help encourage industrial and commercial users in the cities that generate jobs and incomes.

Nersa thinks the right price for Eskom’s electricity is the price that would give the utility a 3% real return on the capital it employs. This, as we have discovered, is very much in line with the global average. Listed utilities world wide seem to survive and even thrive with real returns on their large capital investments with returns on all capital employed of about 3-4%. They presumably also do a reasonable job of containing their costs than Eskom.

We have pointed out before that the less Eskom charges, the more debt it or the SA State will have to issue to fund its heavy and essential expansion programme, absent a willingness to sell off some of its generating capacity to private owners.

It would be a very good idea to have other managers running power stations so that useful comparative benchmarks on operational costs could be established for Eskom. Such partial privatisation might be judged essential should extra debt have to be issued.

In Eskom’s case for 16% annual increases it had estimated that some R350bn of debt would have to be issued by 2018. We have calculated that this debt would rise to over R500bn if price increases were confined to 8% and similar operational and capital costs were incurred. Nersa is of the view that these costs, as estimated by Eskom, should be better controlled. If Eskom achieves these cost controls, it would improve cash flow and reduce the volume of debt finance.

The SA Budget and borrowing plans have factored in about R330bn of Eskom debt. This will have to be revised higher. And with the extra government borrowing requirement now running at about R100bn a year, this additional debt of about R30bn a year for five years, will not be welcome to the Treasury or the bond market.

Listed electricity utilities are in practice the least risky activity of all – they realise the lowest betas on the US stock exchanges. They therefore can and should finance what are low risk operations with high ratios of debt (around 55% of assets on average). Furthermore a real return of 3% a year, if achieved, would allow Eskom to fund with debt and meet its interest and capital repayment obligations. After all, funding essential infrastructure with debt that supports economic growth, is very different to funding consumption spending by government (as the rating agencies should appreciate).

There is however an obvious alternative for government having to raise debt or taxes to fund infrastructure. This would be to sell off some of the valuable assets it owns. Privatisation may become a less dirty word when the after-Nersa realities are understood. The price to be realised by auctioning off an established power station on Eskom’s balance sheet (hopefully to be listed on the JSE) will be greatly enhanced by regulatory certainty. With its sensible target for electricity generators of a 3% real return, Nersa may well have provided this. Brian Kantor

Capital and its Cost – a primer for SA shareholders, their managers and regulators

Capitalism is a very good description of our economic system. The modern economy revolves about the competence with which firms use capital entrusted to them. Successful, profitable firms, consistently invest in projects that return more than the cost of the capital they employ. They are strongly encouraged to expand. That is to make more of the economy’s scarce resources – people, natural resources and capital. Firms unable to cover these costs of capital are as strongly encouraged to waste less, that is to yield scarce resources to those firms that are able to put them to better use.

Read the Full Version here or the Short Version here.

Real exchange rates: All about capital flows

Explaining the rand – don’t look to Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), but to capital flows to explain the value of the rand

When exchange rates conform to Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), that is the exchange rate moves to compensate for differences in inflation between two trading countries, the exchange will not have any real effects on the economy. Given PPP, what is lost, say, for an exporter or gained by an importer in the form of faster or slower inflation, is fully offset by what is gained or lost by compensating movements in the exchange rate. This would leave importers or exporters no more or less competitive in their home or offshore markets. PPP exchange rates are however at best a very long run equilibrium rate to which exchange rates may trend but seldom conform.

The SA experience with exchange rates is one where large deviations from PPP exchange rates are the rule rather than the exception. The starting point for any calculation of PPP equivalent exchange rates is of crucial importance. The date should be be one when the exchange rate appears very close to its long term PPP value.

This was the case for the rand/US dollar in 1995. Before 1995 the value of the commercial rand (this was used to pay for imports, dividends and interest and dividend payments abroad and received for exports) was protected by exchange controls on both foreign and domestic investors. Flows of capital to and from SA were conducted through the transfer of a more or less fixed pool of so called financial rands. These financial rand movements, usually expressed as a discount to the commercial rand, left the value of the commercial rand largely unaffected by capital flows and insulated against changes in investor sentiment. Hence foreign trade driven commercial rand exchange rates stayed very close to their PPP values, as was the case in 1995.

The capital controls applied to foreign investors in the form of the financial rand were abandoned in 1995. Ever since then, flows of foreign capital to or from SA – driven by levels of SA or global risk tolerance – came to influence the value of the unified rand. The rand became less a trading and more a capital driven currency in the short run.

We show below (starting our calculation of the PPP equivalent rand/US dollar exchange in 1995) that the rand had become deeply undervalued by 2000. If PPP had held between 1995 and 2013, the US dollar that cost R3.35 in January 1995 would have cost a mere R6.66 in January 2013, leaving the rand about 28% undervalued compared to its PPP value.

If we start the same calculation in January 2000, when the US dollar fetched R6.31 and had PPP equivalent exchange rates been maintained, the US dollar would now cost R9.68, making the rand appear 10.5% overvalued. However, as we have shown, the PPP equivalent value of the rand in January 2000, using January 1995 as the starting point, was as little as R4.36, not the R6.31 it cost. The rand, as a result of freed up capital movements after 1995, was already deeply undervalued by 2000. It was to become much more deeply undervalued in 2001, but thereafter began to recover with improved investor sentiment.

In the figure below we show the real rand/US dollar exchange rate, that is the deviation in the value of the rand from PPP, taking 1995 as the starting point. The real commercial (then unified) rand has fluctuated wildly over the years. It was slightly overvalued during the gold boom seventies. It weakened significantly when SA failed to cross its political Rubicon in 1986. The largest burst of weakness came in 2001 for SA specific reasons – largely related to the panic demands for asset swaps when they first became available – and the real rand lost as much as 40% of its value. Thereafter it began a more or less consistent recovery, helped by large foreign flows into the JSE (though it was interrupted by the Global Financial Crisis in 2008 that weakened all riskier emerging market currencies). The strength of the rand and the JSE after 2003 was not at all coincidental. The recent weakness of the rand, very much SA specific, has moved the real rand from near parity with the US dollar to about 10% undervalued.

Clearly it is investor sentiment that has come to drive movements in the exchange value of the rand. Sometimes these perceptions are SA specific and at other times much more generally explained by global attitudes to risk taking.

The reality for SA exporters and importers post 1995 is that they have had to cope with a highly variable real exchange rate. It is instructive to note that the extreme moves between 1983 and 1986 can also be explained by capital flows: the financial rand was temporarily abolished in 1983 and then reinstated in 1986.

It is these exchange rate fluctuations that greatly complicate the business of importing and exporting. Ideally, given consistency of economic policies, the real exchange rate would stabilise. Unfortunately fiscal and monetary policy in SA has been far more consistent than expectations of them. It is these expectations of policy that drive capital flows more than the policies themselves. Until SA can convince investors of the permanence of investor friendly policies, such real exchange rate volatility will continue.

The advice for SA policy makers is to maintain investor friendly policies, including the freedom to move capital in and out of the SA economy. The depth of the SA capital markets and the consequent liquidity it offers has been a major attraction for foreign investors, upon which the SA economy remains highly dependent for its growth, given the lack of domestic savings. The economy will have to trade off exchange rate instability against easy access to foreign capital.

Resorting to capital controls would drive capital away over any long term view. Moreover improved labour relations would be highly investor friendly. It would lead to a stronger real rand and a sronger economy supported by larger capital inflows. Brian Kantor

Equity markets: Drawing the investment lessons of the past year and the past decade

Investors on the JSE enjoyed outstandingly good returns in 2012 of about 26%, and have also done well over the past decade. We examine the factors behind this performance and what could wait in store in 2013.

Another outstanding year on the JSE

Investors on the JSE enjoyed outstandingly good returns in 2012 of about 26%. These returns concluded a decade of outstanding performance. Average returns on the JSE over the past 10 years have more than compensated for equity risks, as we show below. An extra four or five per cent a year from equities would have been good enough. The JSE provided much more than this.

A wonderful decade for investors on the JSE and other emerging markets

Over the past 10 years (1 January 2003- 31 December 2012) annual returns on the JSE (calculated each month) averaged 18.4% p.a. The SA All Bond Index (ALBI) returned an average 9.2% p.a and the money market, represented by the three month interbank lending rate (JIBAR) returned an average 7.87% p. a. before any fees. Since inflation averaged 5.5% over the same period, real returns from all the asset classes were satisfactory but not nearly as good as those provided by the equity market.

These returns were also excellent when translated into US dollars. In US dollar terms the JSE returned 16.4% p.a on average over the last 10 years, very much in line with the equally outstanding returns realised by the average emerging market – represented by the MSCI EM Index – that provided average returns in US dollars of 16.5% p.a. over the 10 year period.  The S&P 500 Index realised only 5.8% p.a on average over the same period.  It should  be appreciated that the 10 years includes the very severe impact on share markets of the Global Financial Crisis of 2008- 09; when at its worst in February 2009, the JSE was 49% lower than a year before and 80% lower in US dollars. That same month the S&P 500 was 59% down on February 2008, while the EM Index was 87% lower.

Total returns: US$100 invested on 1 January 2003, with dividends reinvested (2003=2012)

Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Wealth & Investment

The winner was JSE Industrials, not Resources

Investors on the JSE in 2012 would have done especially well had they concentrated their portfolios on Industrial rather than Resource companies. The JSE Industrial Index returned over 44% in 2012 while the Resource Index provided a total return of less than 3%. (See below)

JSE total returns in 2012


Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Wealth & Investment

The game changer on the JSE: Industrials or Resources?

Such outperformance by JSE Industrials over Resources is by no means an unusual event. It should be clear that for active fund managers anticipating these differences in returns is the key to beating the market as a whole, so adding value for their clients after fees.

Difference in annual returns: JSE Industrials vs JSE Resources (2003- 2012)


Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Wealth & Investment

JSE Industrials have provided far superior returns than the average Resource company (for significantly less risk) over the past 10 years. As we show below, R100 invested in the Industrial Index on 1 January 2003, with dividends reinvested, would have accumulated an impressive value of over R900 by the end of 2012. The same R100 invested in the Resources Index would have yielded less than R400.

Cumulative returns on the JSE: Industrials vs Financials vs Resources. Value of R100 invested on 1 January 2003


Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Wealth & Investment

The outstanding performance of the JSE Industrial Index (a market capitalisation weighted index) is fully explained by the economic performance of the companies included in the index. Rising share values have been lifted by a rising tide of reported earnings and dividends. Both the value of the Industrial Index and the dividends distributed have increased by 7 times since 2003. The payout ratio of earnings to dividends has declined from 3.2 times dividends in 2003 to 2.1 times in December 2012.  

If the past were to be the guide to future action it can be expected that the weight given to Resources in the representative SA portfolio will decline and that given to Industrials will increase. That Resources have a large weight on the JSE All Share Index does not justify anything like the same weight in SA portfolios on a risk adjusted basis. We should expect SA investors to reduce their exposure to resource companies to something like the international norm – which would be about a 10% weighting.

The JSE Industrial Index, dividends and earnings per share (January 2003=100)

Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Wealth & Investment

Not all Industrial companies on the JSE are alike in their exposure to the SA and global economies

The Industrial Index of the JSE however combines companies with very different exposures to the SA and global economies. Dominating the Index by market value are companies that we describe as Industrial Hedges. These are companies that are heavily dependent for their sales, costs and profits on the global economy rather than the SA economy. Richemont (CFR) is a very good example. Its luxury goods are all produced outside SA and very few of them are sold in SA. SABMiller (SAB) is a global rather than a SA brewer. Aspen (APN) in pharmaceuticals, MTN in mobile networks and Naspers (NPN) in internet, have joined the ranks of the companies with much more at stake outside rather than inside the SA economy. British American Tobacco (BTI), now the largest company listed on the JSE, is another large Industrial Hedge, ie little affected by SA interest rates or the state of the SA economy. Their rand values furthermore will tend to go up and down in line with movements in the exchange value of the rand.

These Industrial Hedges are to be usefully contrasted with the SA economy plays – the retailers, banks, property and logistics companies listed on the JSE whose top and bottom lines react to the SA economy. Their share market performance is SA interest rate sensitive and a strong rand, low inflation and low interest rates are very helpful to their sales volumes and operating margins. A weak rand and the higher inflation and interest rates that may follow a weaker rand will damage their ability to earn profits and grow dividends.

In 2012 these two categories of large industrial companies performed very similarly on both the earnings and valuation fronts as we demonstrate in the chart below. We have created Indexes for these different groups of JSE companies, have measured Index earnings per share and have compared them to each other and to the Resource Companies  (excluding the gold mining stocks), which we call commodity price plays. As may be seen the Industrials gained ground on the commodity price plays in 2012 on the basis of much stronger and more consistent growth in earnings and (not shown here) in dividends.

Industrial Hedges vs SA Plays vs Commodity Price Plays; total returns (1 January 2012 – 31 December 2012)


Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Securities, Investec Wealth & Investment

Index earnings per share: Industrial hedges vs SA Plays vs Commodity Price Plays (1 January 2012=100)


Source: I-Net Bridge, Investec Securities, Investec Wealth & Investment

The surprisingly good performance of the SA plays in 2012

The surprising feature of 2012 is that while the Resources companies felt the cold draft of a weaker global economy and lower commodity prices, the Industrials continued to grow their earnings despite slow growth. Furthermore the economic performance of the SA economy plays was compromised by the weaker rand that put pressure on imported input costs and pricing power. Yet the SA plays were greatly assisted by low and stable interest rates. The weaker rand and the higher rate of inflation did not lead to higher interest rates, as might have been expected. The SA Reserve Bank in its interest rate settings and commentary helpfully (and correctly in our view) adopted a dual mandate – a concern for growth as well as inflation. It can be expected to continue to influence the economy in this way.

There was no demand side pressure on prices, as the Bank pointed out, and given the weak global economy and the impact this was having on export prices and volumes – harmed additionally by strike action in SA – domestic demand needed encouragement in the form of lower interest rates (and received it). Longer term interest rates also moved lower –despite more inflation – helped by a global search for yield that was found in the SA bond market.

Explaining the performance of the rand in 2012 and beyond

The weaker rand since year end will have been helpful to the value of the Industrial Hedges and perhaps more helpful to the commodity price plays – provided they can maintain or increase output in the face of Industrial action. A weaker rand is not helpful to the SA economy plays. Yet the danger posed to these companies and the service sector of the SA economy in the form of higher interest rates still seems highly remote.

The rand has demonstrated much SA specific weakness linked to the Industrial action and the threat poor labour relations poses to the SA economy and its growth prospects. The rand is about 15% weaker than it would have been if, as before, emerging market risks and market developments had continued to dominate its exchange value. Such forces, including the appetite for emerging market equities and bonds, will continue to influence the rand from day to day and month to month. But strength in the rand will depend also on perceptions of SA economic policy strengths and weaknesses. Any sense that the SA government is making progress on the labour relations front (not an entirely unrealistic proposition) will be helpful to the rand at its current much weaker levels. 

Rotation by SA Fund Managers between Industrials and Resources will not matter very much to the outcomes on the JSE

It should be appreciated however that these outcomes, in the form of relative performance by the different sectors of the JSE will not be decided by SA fund managers “rotating” the weight of their portfolios between Industrials and Resources. All the major companies listed on the JSE, be they Industrial or even more obviously Resource companies have one important thing very much in common. They are all well in the sights of global investors who can hold large proportions of the shares issued by JSE listed companies.

These decisive offshore investors do not compare the relative merits of JSE listed Industrials or Resource companies. They compare JSE listed companies – companies often also listed on other stock markets – with their peers be they retailers or banks or iron ore or gold producers.  The JSE listed companies have proved very competitive over the past 10 years in the flow of earnings and dividends they have delivered and are expected to deliver. Hence the fact that the JSE Indexes in US dollar compare very favourably with other emerging markets. Fair rather than foul winds blowing across the global as well as the SA economy would make it easier for the JSE listed cohort to compete for the attention of global investors.

Drawing the conclusions for asset allocations in 2013

There is good reason for us to believe that global equities will continue to offer good value despite their strength in 2012 and despite further strong advances made in early 2013. However, a repeat of the excellent JSE returns realised in 2012 must be regarded as unlikely.

The more conspicuous equity value opportunity appears in the developed equity markets that have lagged behind the emerging markets over the past 10 years as investors moved large flows of cash out of equities into bonds and cash. When trailing dividends or earnings on the S&P 500, at record levels, are discounted by very low long dated US Treasury yields, the S&P 500 appears to be deeply undervalued. Should the S&P 500 move strongly ahead this would provide strong support for other equity markets. Clearly these S&P valuations would be threatened by any sharp reduction in earnings or an increase in 10 year Treasury Bond yields to something like normal levels of around 4% p.a. from their current less than 2% p.a.

It would however take a strong recovery in the US economy to lift interest rates. And such a recovery would mean further growth in earnings and dividends. The asset class most vulnerable to any strong recovery in the global economy is developed economy bonds. A mixture of faster growth and higher inflation that would raise bond yields would do great damage to the market value of long dated government bonds that are now priced at such elevated levels. The holders of developed economy government bonds, Treasury bonds, bunds, gilts or Japanese bonds could best hope for a further extended period of global economic weakness. Even then long term interest rates would be unlikely to decline further and as in 2012 the appeal of dividend yields above short and long term interest rates would help support equity markets.

Given the danger to holders of government bonds of rising long term interest rates and the opportunity in what we regard as very conservatively valued equities, which provide protection against inflation. Equities become especially attractive when inflation comes with faster growth (as it may well do next time round). We accordingly continue to recommend equities in general over long dated fixed interest.

When it comes to fixed income we would prefer the protection of higher yields offered by high yield corporate credit or emerging market government debt. A narrowing of risk spreads, given any sustained economic recovery, could compensate in part for higher benchmark bond yields.  But if safety is to be sought,  then we would prefer short dated debt – even cash to long dated fixed interest ordinarily defined as safe havens.

These are anything but ordinary times in financial markets that have been made flush with cash issued by central banks in order to save their banking systems. When the banks prefer to lend some of their excess cash reserves, as they appear to be doing in the US – where bank lending and balance sheets are now growing at about a healthy 10% p. a rate – economic growth and more inflation is likely to follow.

The case for global equities seems to us to be improving. When the choice turns to South African equities the Industrial Hedges, exposed as they are to the global economy and protected against rand weakness, offer the prospect of decent returns with less risk than either the commodity plays or the SA plays. The case for the SA plays over the Industrial Hedges depends on a recovery in the rand from its current depressed levels.

The benefits the commodity plays will gain from a global recovery and higher commodity prices could be augmented by any rand weakness associated with SA specific risks. When revenues are priced in US dollars and costs are incurred in rands, operating margins for SA mining operations can widen to their advantage. However any SA specific risks are likely to be linked to labour troubles on the mines, which would be expected to disrupt operations. These expectations would reduce the appeal of the Resources companies with significant operations in South Africa ,even  if the rand weakens. Best for SA mines would be a degree of rand strength, associated with less global risk aversion and higher commodity prices as well as progress in labour relations on the mines.

The performance of the rand will be particularly important in 2013 for relative performance on the JSE. For rand strength we would prefer the SA plays and for rand weakness the Industrial Hedges. The commodity price plays, while undoubtedly offering value, given a cyclical recovery in their earnings, will need a degree of rand strength for SA as well as global reasons to make a strong case for investors. And so – if there is a recovery in the rand – the SA plays might again offer superior returns over Resources in 2013.

Rand weakness for both global and SA reasons would clearly favour the Industrial Hedges over both the SA Plays and the commodity price plays.  Our own inclination is to favour a modest degree of rand strength coupled with a sense that the global economy will remain on the recovery path. Given such circumstances it is difficult to strongly favour any one class of equities over the other. A generally favourable global environment for equities in 2013 will reward good stock picking. The search for companies and their management with excellent long term prospects may prove especially rewarding.

Eskom’s MacGuffin: Plotting the future of electricity supply and demand in SA

David Holland and Brian Kantor*

Illusionists know how to divert attention so that they can confuse the audience and practice their magic. Filmmakers are expert at planting “MacGuffins” in plots to distract attention from central developments toward unimportant attention grabbers (Alfred Hitchcock coined the term and was the master of employing them in his mysteries). It is our view that Eskom is using this device in its MYPD 3 pricing application and argument for five years of 16% annual price hikes.

Eskom keeps putting the strength of its balance sheet as the primary purpose of its pricing application. It is in effect front-loading its tariffs, which hurts the country but benefits Eskom’s balance sheet. Eskom’s unrelenting focus on its credit rating is a MacGuffin. The lead player, South Africa’s citizens and economy, would die in this film.

If Eskom gets its way, the wholesale price of electricity will have increased over a 10-year period from an average of 19.9c/kWh to about 120c/kWh. This equates to a compound rate of growth of nearly 18% per annum for 10 years, or an astounding 12% p.a in real terms. No economy can be expected to cope with a shock this large to the price of such a basic service as electricity supply. Aggravating the issue further is that the municipalities have a monopoly (constitutionally protected) to distribute electricity at much higher unregulated prices of their own choosing.

The real threat to the rating

We have argued previously in the press (Business Report, 26 November 2012) and at the National Energy Regulator of South Africa (NERSA) hearing in Cape Town on 16 January 2013 that Eskom’s pricing request is excessive. Its request is not based on sound economic principles and would seriously damage the economy as so many other participants in the public hearings have confirmed.

The higher the price Eskom can charge, the more cash it will generate from operations and the less debt it will have to issue to fund its growth. But this is to confuse the financial and economic decision making process, and translates into grossly overcharging current consumers. Financial structure should be a consequence of a sound business strategy, not its primary objective. Eskom likes to confuse and conflate the investment and the financial decision that should be clearly separated.

Paradoxically, if Eskom gets its way with higher prices and less debt, the economy is likely to grow more slowly and this will damage rather than improve SA’s standing with the credit rating agencies, thus raising the cost of funding RSA and Eskom debt. Eskom thinks otherwise – it likes to believe that less debt will mean a higher credit rating. It should seriously think again. The threat to SA’s credit rating is not its current debt ratios but its economic prospects. Slower growth means less tax revenue, more government spending, larger fiscal deficits and more debt.

An energy czar

We believe the strategy for electricity generation needs to be clarified and agreed at the highest levels of government. An energy czar is desperately needed to help make the essential trade offs for the economy over the short and long run. Such policies would recognise that the very large expansion of generating capacity under way is imperative for the economy. Also to be recognised is that years of under pricing electricity and the failure to plan for a gradual adjustment of prices and capacity has left the country with no alternative but to undertake a very rapid and large expansion of generating capacity.

The failures to plan well for electricity in the past continue to haunt the economy. We need to get over these failures and take sensible decisions for the future. The issue cannot be left for Eskom and NERSA to resolve – it is too important for that.

In March 2008 the total book assets of Eskom amounted to R168bn. By 2018, these assets will climb to R743bn, which is a formidable increase of R575bn (our forecast based on Eskom’s projected capex and growth). Furthermore there is now no practical alternative but to rely on Eskom to manage this growth over the next five years. Today’s burning issue is rather how much of the five-year growth in electricity generating assets should be financed with tariffs and with debt. Well within the five-year window, the energy czar will have to decide on the growth in capacity after 2018 and how it should be financed.

Key questions

Here are key questions and proposals for formulating a clear energy strategy:

1) What growth rate is the country pursuing and how does this translate into capacity requirements for Eskom? Government, which is Eskom’s sole shareholder, must provide clear guidance. Eskom’s task is to meet this strategic objective, i.e. to supply all the electricity that is demanded in SA at a price that makes economic sense. The role of Eskom and other generators as well as other distributors of electricity beyond the next five years will have to be decided as a matter of urgency, but not as urgently as setting the right price for electricity beyond March 2013.

2) What economic return on capital is sensible to meet the country’s needs? If it is too high, industry and employment suffer. If it is too low, subsidisation is required and uneconomic activities promoted. We showed through a benchmarking exercise that a real return on capital of 3% to 4% is sensible and competitive, i.e., “cost reflective”, in Eskom’s terminology for regulated utilities around the globe. Historically, Eskom’s real return on capital was too low, which led to the capacity crisis and extraordinary price increases over the past few years. Eskom has argued that an 8% real return on capital and real cost of capital are appropriate. We showed by comparison with the returns realised by public utilities in other economies and by reference to the lower expected returns on capital invested in much riskier economic activities that this is excessive and uncompetitive. Government needs to set a target for the real return on capital and let NERSA monitor that return and its key financial and operating drivers. The sensible target should be a 3.5% real return on capital, which should also be applicable to new capital investments. Cash Flow Return on Investment (CFROI) is a globally accepted measure of real return on capital, and a metric we like.

3) What is the most economic way of delivering power? This is more technical and involves the usual project economics. Burning coal has high external costs such as environmental pollution and road damage. Game changers include power stations that burn natural and shale gas, which can be built quickly at lower cost and operate more efficiently. The energy and manufacturing renaissance in the US must surely serve as a template and exemplar for government and Eskom. The die has been cast for the present expansion, but a decision needs to be made on the energy sources for the next phase of electricity capacity building beyond 2018. The importance of saving energy via awareness and innovative technology should continue to be promoted, although not necessarily by Eskom.

4) What financing and capital structure is required to fulfill this strategy? Operating cash flow is stable for power companies, which lessens risk and allows them to operate with high levels of debt and leverage. The cost of debt can be managed by government guaranteeing Eskom’s debt (as the Treasury has agreed to do) or by the RSA raising debt on Eskom’s behalf and investing the proceeds of such debt issues as equity in Eskom.

More debt vs higher charges

The choice for the economy is simple: it is either more debt, or much higher charges that damage the economy. In Eskom’s MYPD 3 five year proposals, debt would grow to R338bn (relative to book assets of R743bn and the government’s guarantee of R350bn). We estimate that if price increases were limited to 10% per annum and cash costs were reduced by 5%, Eskom would have a competitive real return on capital and debt peak of about R450bn. Surely this is an unavoidable demand on the borrowing capacity of the RSA or its wholly owned subsidiary Eskom. Government cannot abdicate this responsibility if it is to fulfill its obligation to the wider economy. And the rating agencies should be made to appreciate, as surely they will, that to raise debt to fund essential infrastructure that improves the growth potential of the economy rather than to undermine it, makes economic sense and justifies a better, rather than worse, credit rating

Another issue to consider when setting the target real return on capital invested by Eskom is whether to allow non-productive construction-in-progress as part of the return on capital and tariff calculation. We believe it should be excluded from the economic return calculation because it encourages uneconomic behaviour.

Granting Eskom the right to charge tariffs on construction-in-progress encourages it to build expensive capacity and to keep building. If Eskom is able to charge tariffs on construction-in-progress, it has no incentive to control expansion costs nor to deliver new capacity on time. These are headline issues that perpetually dog the current expansion.

Opaque subsidies

We are also concerned about the opaque practice of having Eskom subsidise poor consumers and independent power producers (IPPs). If government wants to achieve these noble aims, it should do so in a separate, transparent vehicle that taxpayers can monitor not impose an extra burden on some electricity consumers If a separate subsidised vehicle were set up for the support of IPPs, we believe Eskom’s price increase could be sensibly lowered to 7% or 8%.

Government needs to set a clear strategy with a realistic economic return on capital for Eskom. Eskom’s pricing proposal is excessive and would damage the economy irreversibly; all in the name of chasing an investment grade credit rating. We don’t know whether government or Eskom management has set this objective for Eskom, but it is misplaced. Eskom, with government’s blessing, can and should take on more debt to fund its expansion and charge a price that generates a real return on capital of 3% to 4%, excluding construction-in-progress. If this strategy were clearly communicated, the risk of regulatory uncertainty would be reduced and SA could attract the world’s leading power companies and foreign direct investment. In this way SA’s growth, competitiveness and credit rating would be enhanced. This objective is the real star.

*Brian Kantor is chief strategist and economist at Investec Wealth & Investment. David Holland is an independent consultant and senior advisor to Credit Suisse. The opinions are those of the authors’ and do not reflect the views of Investec or Credit Suisse.

The 2011 census and the labour market: Getting the nation back to work

We look at the regional and other factors at play in the failure of to employ more people and draw some conclusions about what can be done about it.

Unemployment as well as incomes varies significantly by Province.

According to the 2011 Census a mere 39% of the adult population of SA is employed. The rate of absorption into the labour market varies from 70% for the white group to about 33% for households headed by black Africans (see below)


Source: Census 2011

When those registered as unemployed by the census are added to those employed, the participation of the adult population in the labour market can be established. The average rate of participation of adults in the labour market is of the order of 55% of the adult population force, using the stricter definition of unemployed.


*Note The provincial order in the above two figures corresponds with the order used in the QLFS, and is therefore different from the geocode which is used in other publications.
Source: Census 2011


*Note The provincial order in the above two figures corresponds with the order used in the QLFS, and is therefore different from the geocode which is used in other publications.
Source: Census 2011

The census indicates not only significant income differences across the provinces, but also highly significant differences in the unemployment rate across the different provinces, as is shown above. The poorer the province, the higher the unemployment rate of that province and the lower the rate of participation of its adult population in the labour market. The unemployment rate ranges from about 20% in the Western Cape to nearly double 40% in Limpopo.

The participation rate in the labour force ranges from nearly 70% in Gauteng to barely 40% in the Eastern Cape. The divide between the provinces appears very much as an urban rural divide. It is the highly urbanised provinces, Gauteng and Western Cape, which deliver higher incomes and much faster growth in employment.

Population and employment has grown fastest in Gauteng and the Western Cape

The unemployment rate is lowest in the provinces to which people have migrated in significant numbers over the past 10 years: Gauteng, with net migration of over 1m people, and the Western Cape, which has absorbed over 300 000 extra people since the last census in 2001. The population of Gauteng, 12.27m in 2011, making it by far the most populous province, grew by 30% over the 10 years – twice the national average and that of the Western Cape (28%).

Clearly employment growth in the two fast growing provinces (given little change in the unemployment or labour force participation rates in Gauteng and Western Cape since 2001) has also been well above average too. The implications of these demographic and economic trends would seem to be obvious. If a greater number of South Africans are to be employed they are most likely to be employed in fast growing Gauteng and Western Cape. Or in other words, the rate of migration to Gauteng and Western Cape will have to accelerate further if the unemployment problem in SA is to be addressed in a meaningful way.

What it means to be employed, unemployed or not working and therefore not part of the labour force

According to the census, of the SA working age population (16-65) of 33.2m, only 13.18m were employed – a “labour force absorption rate” of a mere 39.7%. The census counted 5.594m workers as unemployed, leading to an unemployment rate of 29.8%. The SA labour force is the sum of the employed (13.18) plus the unemployed (5.6m) or a labour force of 18.7m potential workers. The numbers of adults defined as “not economically active” by the census numbered 14.5m. Thus, the labour force participation rate in SA was but 55.6% of the adult population of 33.2m in 2011.

The Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS) conducted regularly by Stats SA counted fewer officially unemployed in 2011, some 4.24m unemployed and so an unemployment rate of 23.9% – presumably because those conducting the QLFS applied a stricter interpretation of actively seeking work. 

Those officially unemployed according to the Census would have responded affirmatively to the question in the census questionnaire (P25) “…that they had looked for any kind of job or tried to start a business in the four weeks before October 10th 2011”.

In other words you are only regarded as unemployed if you have recently actively sought work. You may not be working for a variety of reasons, including studying or having retired early or a full time home maker, or more simply because you prefer not to work. If you are neither working nor seeking employment you are understandably not counted as part of the labour force. By neither working nor seeking work your actions can have no influence on the numbers employed or employment benefits (wages and salaries) offered and accepted –hence you are not participating in the labour market.

The census asked a number of further questions as to why people were not seeking work. Among the possibilities considered  included “no jobs available in area” , “ Lack of money to pay for transport to look for work” and“No transport available”. The census also asked a supplementary question “If a suitable job was available would you take up the job within 7 days”?  A job to be regarded as suitable must include a sense of attractive enough pay as well as within easy reach of the household. Thus it is surely unlikely that any potential worker not working or seeking work would respond anything but positively to such a hypothetical, probably highly unrealistic, offer of a suitable job at an attractive wage nearby. If an attractive employment opportunity were on offer many of the currently not working in rural SA would happily take it up. But the prospect of finding such work in the rural areas is very poor. Answering yes to such a purely hypothetical question would therefore not make you a member of the labour force in the sense considered earlier, in the sense of your actions or intentions having any influence on the supply of demand for labour or rates of remuneration.

Including those who would work, if only an attractive enough opportunity were offered them, greatly increases the numbers of the unemployed. It would include as unemployed all those whose experiences seeking work and not finding it would have discouraged them from seeking work and so led them to withdraw from the labour force and to stop looking for work that is practically not available.  However should these discouraged workers be included in the ranks of the unemployed, a higher expanded unemployment rate would follow. Perhaps the census unwittingly included many more discouraged workers as unemployed compared to the QLFS.

Why those not working – especially in rural SA – should be regarded as not working and therefore as not part of the labour force or unemployed

For many potential workers, particularly in the rural areas of SA, the knowledge that there is no realistic chance of a job in the area does not make them unemployed and therefore they are not part of the labour force.

Workers in rural areas might be willing (even if reluctantly) to accept employment at lower wages if given the opportunity to do so within easy reach. The clothing workers in Newcastle, KwaZulu-Natal, provide such  a case study. The reasons why there are in fact so very few jobs offered in the rural area may have a great deal to do with the regulation of wage rates (minimum wages and nationwide wage agreements for example).

These regulations discourage potential employers, using labour intensive methods, from offering employment at lower wages that workers outside the major urban areas might well be willing to accept, as an alternative to not working. It is perhaps only lower wages that can make rurally based enterprises competitive with those employers operating in the urban areas. In the major centres, well established firms are able to provide better employment benefits, because of all the other advantages an urban area offers to business, for example, being close to customers or transport nodes and having easy access to essential services and skills. These advantages are not typically available in more remote regions and the opportunity to pay lower wages may be the only reason for operating in a more rural location.

The realistic alternative for many potential workers now not working in the rural areas is to seek work in the cities where opportunities to seek and find work are a realisitic alternative. When typically younger workers migrate to the urban areas to seek work they qualify as part of the potential labour force – and hopefully they will be only temporarily unemployed. Their decisions to migrate to the cities will have an impact on the labour market in the urban areas.

It is not accidental that labour force participation rates in SA (those in work and looking for work) as a percentage of the adult population peak at between 70% and 80% for the cohorts between the ages of 25 and 45. (see below)


Source: Census 2011

But potential workers, by electing not to migrate to the cities of opportunity for whatever reasons, are unlikely to ever be able to find work in the rural areas in significant numbers. But it makes little economic sense to describe such non-workers as unemployed. They are however part of a potential labour force that, with very different economic policies, might become a much more productive part of the labour force.

Regional policies to encourage employment and participation in the labour force

Such policies might usefully include better, well targeted Budget support for those urban regions of the country that have proved able to create additional employment. The right policies might include better funded housing, schools, vocational training and hospitals and the transport systems that could make these regions still more attractive to potential migrants and potential employers.

Poverty relief in the form of cash grants provided on a means tested basis to support children, the aged or the disabled can and has had the unintended consequence of discouraging entry into the labour market, especially from the rural areas of SA. As economists put it, such support for poor families raises the reservation wage of labour: it raises the wage that makes it worthwhile to accept or even seek work. Such work, at wages attractively higher than the reservation wage, may simply not be available in significant volumes outside of the urban areas.

It should be understood that for the unskilled the only work available might be physically onerous work at relatively low wages. But the incentive to work or seek work does depend on the improvements in the household’s standard of living that may be realised by some family members accepting work (or by not seeking or accepting work by subsisting on the welfare system) or the family relying on some mixture of work and welfare.

The fact that the participation and employment rates in the labour force are so much higher for the average white than the average black SA resident has everything to do with these economic incentives. The white South Africans participate much more fully in the labour force because they can earn much more on average than they could expect from welfare.

Conclusion: the path to faster growth in the labour force

The best form of poverty relief in the long run is the creation of employment opportunities and of the skills that qualify workers for higher earnings. The best prospects for employment and income growth in SA are in those regions that have performed so much better in attracting and employing labour. Improving the economic performance of the provinces with competitive advantages should be a clear objective of economic policy. In this way the successful regions can better facilitate the creation of higher incomes and employment over time. Allowing for more flexibility in wage determinations across a diverse geography should be another.

Spending signals: Rumours of the death of the SA consumer may be exaggerated

The first indicators of economic activity in November 2012 are now to hand, in the form of new vehicle sales and the value of Reserve Bank notes in circulation. Unit vehicle sales in November were marginally down on October sales, when adjusted for seasonal influences. Unit sales, seasonally adjusted, appear to have stabilised over the past three months at about the 53 000 per month rate, equivalent to about 645 000 units sold annually. When monthly sales are annualised, smoothed and extrapolated, unit sales appear to be still on an upward path and are heading for 695 000 units in 2013 compared to sales of about 645 000 in 2012.

This, if achieved, would represent growth of about 7.5%, and would take domestic unit vehicle sales close to their record levels of 2006. This would be regarded as highly satisfactory in circumstances of generally subdued spending growth. What with built up exports picking up strongly, to over 28 000 units in November (well up on the pace achieved earlier in the year), the sector involved in manufacturing, assembling and distributing new vehicles is a source of growth for the economy. Lower interest rates have probably helped and will continue to do so.

The supply of notes issued and demanded in November 2012 – a very good indicator of household spending intentions in the crucial month of December – continued to grow very strongly. As we show below, growth in the note issue, on a three months seasonally adjusted basis, has maintained the strong recovery that began in the second quarter of 2012. On a smoothed basis, annual growth in the note issue is running at about 13% p.a, indicating continuing strength in household spending.

We combine the note issue with unit vehicle sales to form our very up to date Hard Number Index (HNI) of the state of the SA economy. Our HNI for November indicates that the SA economy continues to move ahead at a more or less constant speed. Numbers above 100 indicate growth while the second derivative of this measure of the business cycle – the rate of change of the HNI – indicates that the pace of growth is slowing down but only very gradually (see below).

This up to date news about the state of the SA economy in November 2012 should be regarded as encouraging. The strong demand for cash at November month end indicates that the tills will be ringing loudly this December, given that spending in December at retail level is 36% above average spending month. The demand for new vehicles suggests that households and firms have not given up their taste for big ticket items. Rumours of the death of the SA consumer may well be exaggerated. Brian Kantor

Money supply and credit: Seeking encouragement

The news from the credit and money supply fronts is not very encouraging. Money and credit supplies need encouragement from lower interest rates, not discouragement from ill timed regulatory intervention

Broadly defined money supply (M3), as well as bank credit extended to the private sector declined marginally in October 2012 on a seasonally adjusted basis. Annual growth in these aggregates, when smoothed, also declined marginally. The broadly defined money supply, mostly made up of deposits with the banks, is now growing at an underlying rate of about 6.6% p.a. while underlying growth in credit extended to the private sector is about 8.2% p.a. Mortgage lending by the banks is growing at an even slower rate of about 2% p.a.


It should be appreciated that these are very modest growth rates, especially given inflation of the order of 6% p.a. With the economy operating well below its potential, it needs all the help it can get from domestic spending and the support money supply and credit growth give to domestic spending. With export prices and especially export volumes under severe pressure, household spending has been supporting economic growth and so the employment and incomes of employees. This helps them maintain their credit.

At this especially vulnerable stage for the SA economy, attempts to reform the credit system in SA are especially likely to lead to less credit being offered, less spending and still slower growth in incomes. Any additional restraints on the willingness to supply credit or to secure credit are precisely the wrong recipe. They are likely to lead to more, not less, distress in credit markets as the economy slows down. Brian Kantor