Month: December 2015

The SA economy at month end November 2015. Do we thank the informal (unrecorded) sector?

We have received some useful information about the state of the SA economy at the end of November 2015. New motor vehicle sales and cash in circulation at month end November present something of a mixed picture. We examine both below and combine them to update our Hard Number Index (HNI) of the current state of the SA economy.

Vehicle volumes in November came in marginally ahead of sales a year before and on a seasonally adjusted basis were also slightly ahead of sales in October 2015. But the sales cycle, when seasonally adjusted and smoothed, continues to point lower, albeit only very gradually so.

The local industry is delivering new vehicles at an annual rate of about 600,000 units and the time series forecast indicates that this rate of sales may well be maintained to the end of 2016. Such an outcome would be regarded as highly satisfactory when compared to peak sales of about 700,000 units back in 2006. (See below) For the manufacturing arm of the SA motor industry, exports that are running at an impressive, about half the rate of domestic sales, are a further assist to activity levels. This series may be regarded as broadly representative of demand for durable goods and equipment.

New Unit Vehicle Sales in South Africa

Source; Naamsa, I-net Bridge and Investec Wealth and Investment.

The demand for and supply of cash in November by contrast has been growing very strongly. By a 10.6% p.a or 5.7% p.a rate when adjusted for headline inflation of 4.6%. This represents very strong growth in the demand for cash- to spend presumably. Though as may also be seen the cash cycle may have peaked.

The extra demands for cash presumably come mostly from economic actors outside the formal sector. The formal sector has very convenient electronic transfer facilities as alternatives to transferring cash. Electronic fund transfers have increased from a value of R4,919b in 2009, that is nearly 5 trillion, to R8.4t in 2014 or at a compound average rate of 8.9% p.a over the six years. Over the same period credit card transaction increased from R142,198b in 2009 to R258.6 by 2014 or by a compound average rate of 9.9% p.a while the use of cheques declined from a value of over R1.1t in 2009 to a mere R243b by 2014.

The supply of notes issued by the Reserve bank have grown from R75.2b in November 2009 to R134.7b in November 2015, that is at a compound average rate of 9.7% p.a. That is the demand for and supply of old fashioned cash has grown in line with the growth in electronic alternatives. Clearly there is a great deal of economic activity in South Africa that escapes electronic action or surveillance. We show the respective nominal and real note cycles below. Both show a strong acceleration in 2015.

The Cash Cycles- annual growth in the note issue.

Source; SA Reserve Bank; I-net Bridge and Investec Wealth and Investment.

The note issue cycle and the retail sales cycle in money of the day are closely related as we show below. The advantage of observing the note issue is that it is a much more up to date statistic than is the estimate of retail sales, the most recent being for September 2009. The strength in the note issue in November 2015 bodes rather well for retail sales in December and perhaps especially so for sales made outside the electronic payments system.

The cash and retail cycles. Current prices

Source; SA Reserve Bank; I-net Bridge and Investec Wealth and Investment.

When we combine the vehicle cycle with the cash cycle we derive our Hard Number Index (HNI) of economic activity in SA. As may be seen the HNI indicates that the SA economy continues to maintain its current pedestrian pace, helped by strength in the note issue and not harmed too severely by the downturn in unit vehicle sales.

As indicated 2016 seems to offer a similar outcome. The HNI is compared to the Reserve Bank Business Cycle Indicator that has been updated only to August 2015. The HNI can be regarded as a helpful leading indicator for the SA economy-more helpful than the Reserve Bank’s own Leading Economic Indicator that consistently has been pointing to a slow down since 2009 – a leading indicator belied by the upward slope of the Business Cycle itself- and the HNI. ( See below)

S.A. Business Cycle Indicators (2010=100)

Source; SA Reserve Bank; I-net Bridge and Investec Wealth and Investment.

The slow pace of economic growth in SA is partly attributable to the dictates of the global business cycle. The weak state of global commodity and emerging markets remains a drag on the SA economy. Any business cycle recovery in SA will have to come from a revival in emerging market economies linked to a pick-up in metal and mineral prices that will be accompanied by a stronger rand and less inflation and perhaps lower interest rates. This prospect now appears remote. Though a mixture of stronger growth in the US and Europe with less fear about the Chinese economy would be very helpful to this end. South Africa could help itself with growth improving, market friendly, structural reforms. This prospect unfortunately appears as remote as the recovery in global metal markets.

Another own goal for SA

The SA government seems determined to press ahead with a national minimum wage (NMW). This is apparently with the agreement of organised business and labour, though the minimum levels themselves are still in dispute. It however appears likely that the NMW will be set close to the incomes that define “the working poor”, those who earned less than about R4000 per month in 2015 for a 35 hour working week.

Not much poverty relief at R4000 per month, you may think. Yet the problem is that most of those with jobs in SA earn much less than this while a large number of potential workers are unemployed and earn no wage income at all. According to a comprehensive recent study of the Labour Market in SA1 , even after adding 40% to wage incomes to compensate for “underreporting” in the Labour Force Surveys undertaken by Stas SA, 48% of all wage incomes representing 5m workers fall below R4000 per month and 40% earn less than R3000 per month, about 2.7m workers out of a total employed of about 13m. The proportion of those employed who fall below R4000 are much higher in the rural areas, higher in agriculture (nearly 90%) and domestic services (95%). At the other end of the spectrum is mining, where 22% of the work force earn less than R4000 per month. Even in the comparatively well paid and well skilled manufacturing sector, about 48% of the work force are estimated to earn less than R4000 per month.

Unless the laws of supply and demand for labour can be repealed, it seems obvious that were the NMW to be made effective, the consequences for currently low paid workers would be very serious. Many will lose their jobs, while many more young workers hoping to enter the labour market will find it even more difficult to gain entry to formal employment. Some excluded from formal employment may find work in the unregulated informal sector and many others will be required to work fewer hours, as employers seek to make their work force more efficient, to compensate for an artificially higher hourly rate. This trend is already well under way, according to the study. Other employment benefits provided by employers, such as pensions, health, housing and food, may be reduced to compensate for higher take home pay.

Why then would the government wish to push ahead with such a predictably disastrous initiative, imposed without regard to labour market fundamentals? Can the government and its advisors truly believe that wages have little to do with employment or that some miracle of economic growth or currently unrealised productivity gains will come to raise the demand for labour? Surely not, though the support of trade unions and large businesses for an NMW, expecting less competition for jobs from low paid workers or firms able to hire them, is entirely rational self-interest at work. Unions attempt to maximise the wage bill they can draw member dues from and business seeks to maximise profit, not employment. Robots can replace workers very easily especially at higher wages or rather improved employment benefits.

The case for an NMW must be a political one. It cannot be an economic one. If an NMW, proclaimed at levels well above market determined wages could cure poverty, the economic problem of poverty in SA and everywhere else would have been solved by decree a long time ago. The government must believe that fewer but better paid, so called decent jobs, will mean more support for it at the ballot box. Nobody would thank a government for employment at wages that do not provide an escape from poverty, even if the alternative more poverty for now and more dependence on government hand-outs of cash and housing.

Our labour market regulations and interventions have long been pushing employment and employment benefits strongly in this direction. Fewer well paid private sector formal jobs have been provided – relative to GDP – and many people have joined the ranks of the unemployed or the informally employed, the latter not fully captured in GDP estimates.

NMW may be a recipe for political survival but is not a cure for poverty in SA. It will retard the rate of economic growth in SA that is the only long term cure for poverty. Economic growth, sustained at a rate well above population growth, would gradually lift all incomes in SA, including those of the worst paid, as well as skilled workers. Achieving higher growth rates demands a more flexible labour market. Unfortunately SA continues to move in the other direction.