Prices and Budget Reviews – all promising austerity rather than progress

Amid the pandemonium in and around Parliament yesterday, something may have been missed. What probably escaped notice was that for a third month the CPI was unchanged. It reached a value of 116.1 in July, remained 116.1 in August and prices maintained that level of 116.1 in September. In other words, average prices in SA since July 2015 have remained unchanged and so the inflation rate in Q3 2015 remained a round zero. Headline inflation, the percentage increase in the CPI over 12 months was 4.6%, also unchanged from August 2015.

The upward pressure on the CPI from rising utility bills and house rentals, including the rentals owner occupiers are assumed to pay themselves, that added 0.9% to the CPI in September, was offset by lower petrol and transport costs that took 1.6% off the index. The prices of food and non-alcoholic beverages rose by a mere 0.1% in the month.

These outcomes in Q3 must have come as a surprise to the Reserve Bank, which believes inflation is driven largely by inflationary expectations. Hence its tendency to impose higher interest rates on the economy, regardless of where the pressure on prices may be coming from, less supplied or more demanded, for fear that inflationary expectations are self-fulfilling.

These inflationary expectations, with a much weaker rand in the quarter, might have been expected to have been elevated in Q3. Judged by the gap between the yield on conventional and inflation-protected RSA bonds, reflecting compensation for bearing inflation risk, as good a measure of inflation expectations as any, have changed little, and remained very stable about the 6% level, in line with the upper band to the inflation targets, as it has done for many years.

It is clearly not expected inflation that stabilised the CPI at 116.1 (2012=100). It was the weakness of final demands for goods and services that has so limited the pricing power of firms supplying households and firms not only in SA but almost everywhere else too. This lack of demand has put pressure on the dollar prices of goods imported into SA, including that of oil and grains. The so-called pass through effect on prices of a weaker rand is running at about a fifth of the impact predicted by the Reserve Bank’s inflation forecasting model.

The Reserve Bank needs a better theory of how prices are formed in SA than are determined (mostly) by inflationary expectations. This will help it avoid imposing unwelcome extra burdens on the economy in the form of higher interest rates when too little, rather than too much, spending is part of the problem, as it has been doing ever since early 2014 when short term rates were first increased.

Yes, higher taxes on energy or higher charges for electricity or water or roads or imports may put upward pressure on prices charged (as may the budgets of firms with pricing power) that presume prices can be increased in line with inflation expected. But as is now highly apparent, prices charged and recognised in the CPI are not crudely equivalent to costs, including employment costs, plus some profit margin. They are much better explained as profit-maximising or perhaps loss-minimising prices – what the market will bear prices, which reveal highly variable operating profit margins.

The update from Shoprite, SA’s leading food retailer released on the morning of the CPI update, told the same story of pressure on food prices and operating margins. And the declining employment numbers tell of the pressure of higher wage demands on numbers employed rather than on prices charged.

It is the weak state of final demands from both SA households and firms that is holding down the CPI as well as the GDP that is barely growing. Higher taxes imposed by the national government and the higher charges for electricity etc. levied by municipalities and yes also the fees charged by educational and medical service providers that have monopoly type pricing power and also, most avoidably, higher interest rates set by the Reserve Bank, have all taken their toll on household budgets and spending power and so the pricing power of the firms supplying them.

This lack of demand for goods and services and labour is being exacerbated by the inability of the SA government to sensibly limit and manage its own spending on employment benefits for government workers, the largest item by far in its Budget. This outcome, understandable in the circumstances, and given conservative objectives for government debt ratios, means discouraging still higher taxes on the productive economic agents of the economy and less spending by government on other items, including on useful infrastructure.

The Budget statement to Parliament was eloquent in its admission that unexpectedly large employment benefit concessions to public sector employees greatly disturbed the Treasury’s Medium term expenditure and revenue plans. This disruption to sound fiscal policy was explained in the Budget Statement as somehow beyond the control of the government itself. The bargaining arrangements with public sector unions that led to such exorbitant outcomes post the main Budget in February 2015, may well have been out of the control of the Treasury and its fiscal constraints. As such it represents just another government failure.

It is the failure of the government to recognise that the path to faster growth in SA is not only through more effective government spending, but less of it, combined with less interference in the economy that so engages the well paid but now shrinking government workforce. It is less government and so lower taxes and much more reliance on business for solutions to poverty and growth that should be the way forward for SA. Resisting this direction, as it is being resisted in Budget after Budget, leads to higher taxes and charges and less rather than more spending and slower rather than faster growth. In other words more public and private austerity of the kind we are experiencing.

The price of good advice

Calculating the costs and benefits of financial advice – a dangerous exercise in the US and a necessary one in South Africa

 

It may be argued that one of the important functions managers of private wealth provide is that we can help save our clients from themselves. When we (the wealth managers) act on clients’ behalf, in a conservative way, conscious of risks as well as returns, with wealth entrusted to us, we may well help prevent them from making disastrous investment decisions all on their own. Such poor financial decisions may cost them far more than the fees we charge for our advice and record keeping. Earning extra returns for clients, ahead of the fees incurred, is not the only purpose of our fiduciary duties. Saving wealth owners from themselves is perhaps even more important.

 

A study made by US economist Robert Litan seems to agree. As reported in the Wall Street Journal (online edition, 4 October), Litan in July testified before the US Congress against a US Labor Department plan to regulate financial advisers. His cost-benefit analysis estimated that, during a market downturn, the proposed regulation of financial advisers, with associated higher fees for advice, could cost investors—especially those who aren’t wealthy—tens of billions of dollars. The cost to clients would be incurred by depriving them of good financial advice, such as advice against panic selling, that they may well have chosen were fees for advice lower.

 

The regulation of financial advice can raise the cost of advice, perhaps through an extra fee, that many clients may prefer not to pay. Hence the greater likelihood of poor investment decisions made without useful advice: not only the mistake of buying at the top of the market and selling at the bottom, but also advice that should and would discourage any naïve or greedy propensity to ignore the relationship between a promised return and the associated risk of receiving much less, or indeed no return at all. The Litan evidence would have been in the form of an examination of the comparative track records of investors achieved with or without advice – in the light of the observed sensitivity of clients to the fees charged for that advice.

 

Political costs, too

 

The story in the WSJ is only partly about the benefits and costs of financial advice. It is also about how his testimony cost Litan his job. A veteran of 40 years with the Brookings Institution, Litan offended left-leaning Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren, who is sponsoring the intended legislation. He was accused, in a letter Warren wrote to the head of Brookings, of concealing a conflict of interest by not disclosing that his study was supported by the Capital Group, a very large mutual fund manager in the US. This conflict of interest accusation, according to the WSJ, was made “notwithstanding” that the first page of Litan’s testimony says: “The study was supported by the Capital Group, one of the largest mutual fund asset managers in the U.S.”  Senator Warren called that disclosure “vague”—while the WSJ named this accusation “an obvious falsehood”.

 

A private company with an interest in opposing regulation may often sponsor research in think tanks or universities. Even more often, a government agency may sponsor research inside or outside of government itself with an equally obvious and opposing political and bureaucratic interest in implementing additional regulation. Ideally the research, regardless of its sponsor or conclusions, should be allowed to inform public opinion and the legislative outcomes that may follow. Disclosure of sponsorship is both ethical and wise so that any possibly convenient conflict of interest argument will not prove decisive in any adjudication process.

 

The quality of any research can surely be tested and cross examined regardless of its provenance, as is the evidence of the so-described “expert witnesses” in our courts, paid for by one or other of the litigating parties. An expert witness, talking to the book of a pay-master, in disregard of the evidence, will soon be found out as biased in any thorough cross- examination and such advice will be correctly ignored.

 

In South Africa, the Treasury and the Financial Services Board have been much involved in regulating the quality of investment advice provided to savers and by financial advisers. Clearly quality advice is desirable. But, as in the US, it also comes with a price, in the form of higher fees or costs, which potential clients may judge as not worth paying for.

 

One hopes (but doubts) that a similar analysis of the perhaps unintended costs and consequences, as well as the benefits of additional financial regulation in SA, has been undertaken for our market place. A study of the kind provided by Litan – that explores the danger that many more savers will go inexpertly or inadequately advised and so make poor and very costly financial decisions, because such advice is deemed too expensive – would be welcome.

 

There are always benefits to be had from every regulation of market forces. There are also always associated costs, some more obvious than others. Both the additional benefits and the full extra costs, associated with an intended regulation, should be calculated, as fully as they can, regardless of where the chips may fall.

Payrolls post mortem

Reading the changing market mind has become a more difficult exercise.

The report on US payrolls report on Friday, which was up 142 000 and well below the consensus estimate of 201 000, was not good news about the US economy.

The initial reaction of the equity and bond markets after the data release was to drive share prices sharply lower and bond values higher. But an hour later the share market reversed itself and ended the day 1.5% higher. Bad news about the economy had become good news for markets. These reactions, in the form of higher equity values to a weaker than expected employment number, might be a consistent response to a view that short term interest rates in the US would not now be rising any time soon.

The US dollar also weakened significantly through the day against the very hard pressed emerging market currencies, including the rand. Bad news was not only good news in New York; it was well received everywhere.

These market reactions on Friday – bad news for the economy translated into good news for markets, because interest rates would be lower than previously expected – were however in sharp contrast to the negative market reactions to the Fed decision on 23 September to delay any increase in interest rates for global rather than US economic weakness. Then, after initially welcoming the Fed decision, the equity markets turned sharply lower and emerging market currencies and equities were then particularly hard hit.

Other things being equal, lower interest or discount rates can justify higher equity (present) values. But the economic activity, or lack of it, that move interest rates are other things, especially the revenue and operating profit lines of companies. This means that other forces driving equity values cannot be assumed to remain unaffected by the state of the economy. Helpfully for shareholders, the market seems convinced for now that the lower US discount rate attached to expected operating earnings, as interest rates stay lower for longer, will more than offset any pressure on revenues and operating profits. Lower US interest rates relative to interest rates elsewhere, may well mean a weaker US dollar and also stronger emerging market currencies. Such prospects are helpful to emerging and commodity-producing economies.

Such very different reactions and market patterns revealed within a short period of time to market making news, makes for confusion about the state of the market mind. Will bad news about the US remain good news about the equity and bond markets and vice versa? Will the economic data releases confirm the strength of the US economy and send equities, currencies and bonds in the direction they mostly took in August and September 2015, for fear of higher interest rates? Ideally for shareholders around the world, the Fed will continue to worry more about slow growth and deflation than the reverse, and that such caution, reflected in consistently low short rates, will prove to be too pessimistic about both threats to the global economy, for an extended period of time.

Reflationary policies are usually helpful to share markets. The bullish argument for markets is that the Fed and the ECB (and indeed EM central banks) remain in a reflationary mood while growth prospects remain largely unchanged.